His preference for younger leaders was clear when he ensured that Nitin Gadkari became the BJP President in December 2009. At 52, he was the youngest-ever party chief. Much earlier even as RSS number two, Bhagwat had felt it would be difficult to deal with senior leaders. At an RSS meeting in Kolkata in 2004, he had suggested that Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Advani and other senior leaders step down and set the younger leadership take charge of the BJP. Ten years later, this plan has been accomplished.

This explains the smooth interface between government and RSS. The formation of the Modi cabinet and its expansion also had a visible imprint of RSS with over a dozen ministers associated with Sangh Parivar being inducted in the government. Among them, Hansraj Ahir, a four-time MP from Chandrapur—Bhagwat’s native place—found a place in Modi’s team. Ahir, known for exposing the coal block allocation scam, is known to be very close to Bhagwat. The inclusion of Monohar Parrikar in the Union cabinet and promotion of Prakash Javedkar in the HRD ministry recently also show the rising clout of RSS within the government.

Bhagwat is known to be a man of action--- he was for years in charge of physical training in the RSS as sharirik pramukh. Close associates speak of his controlled aggression and point of his taming of VHP firebrand Pravin Togadia, who had started campaign against Modi. Sources say Bhagwat has in key organizational posts deployed people who would toe the Sangh line and, at the same time, be non-confrontationist.

His success in effectively mobilizing the RSS ahead of 2014 elections added to his stature. The RSS believed that BJP could win 272 Lok Sabha seats on its own and form the government. Led by Bhagwat, the RSS strategists and key BJP leaders scanned data and noticed that the BJP had won at least once from 278 seats across the country. There were 70-75 seats where the party was close second. RSS chalked out a strategy to focus on 350-odd seats. The results were unprecedented. Bhagwat proved his mettle as a big strategist.

There are bound to be differences between the Sangh and the way Modi’s government functions. But both seems to be accommodative. While the government accommodated the Sangh’s views on education, culture and to certain extent dealing with troubled neighbours, the Sangh, on its part, was supportive of the government’s economic policies that it may not subscribe entirely. Having a familiar government in Delhi was a necessity felt by the RSS after the poor showing in assembly and now there seems to be a clear understanding between the two—to let Modi govern and the Sangh pursue the Hindutva agenda.

Insiders say the RSS appreciates the Centre’s move for a uniform civil code. Besides, a proposal to set up a Ramayan museum at Ayodhaya and Modi’s Vijaya Dashmi address in poll bound UP that began with a robust chant of “Jai Shri Ram”, had full approval of RSS.

A veterinary doctor, Bhagwat left a post-graduate course in veterinary medicine half way and became a full-time pracharak in 1975. His family has been associated with the RSS for three generations.

Both Modi and Bhagwat would turn 75 when the RSS celebrates its centenary in 2025. One wonders if the BJP will be in power by that time and Modi be at a helm. Presuming he remains at helm, will be make way for younger generation? (IPA Service)