The first coalition experiment collapsed with withdrawal of support to the VP Singh government as the BJP did not want him to consolidate his vote base. The Chandra Shekhar government ended as he refused to accede to blackmails by the Congress. Next two experiments propped up again on the Congress support collapsed as Devegowda preferred to go out than submit to pressure to end investigations into violations of the Foreign Exchange regulations by a media tycoon, and IK Gujral refused to submit to unjust demand for dismissal of the DMK ministers in his government. Even Vajpayee government preferred trial of strength inside Lok Sabha then to concede unconstitutional demand by the Tamil Nadu chief minister, and the Manmohan Singh government faced trial of strength on the floor rather than submit to the left demand for abrogation of nuclear deal with America. In a sense even the Narsimha Rao government was a coalition though not formalized.

Younger voters are not expected to know the reality as they have no access to or even inclination to comprehend why seven coalitions became necessary in two and half decades. For them the Modi government-I is in continuum as even media did not project the drastic change was forced on it to abandon its promise of economic transition. Today city dwellers dread the prospects of several groups representing, economic, social, caste and sub-caste or regional interests, combining to form the new government of their coalition. Their dread is the result of their centuries old prejudices, biases and hatred for humans living in gross substandard conditions. They were deprived of their human rights and pushed into abyss of the socio-economic deprivations and lack of education as a right for centuries. Their lives were converted into existence of lower creatures in a small well through social classification and assignment of vocations needed for clean and healthy environment and other comforts of upper classes. They were not allowed even passage through main establishment of any settlement except during the period when ample sun light was available.

City dwellers do not recognize that life would not have sustained without their services and they would have been breathing with heaps of garbage all around them. The wide variety of leaders of deprived and exploited castes and interest groups have been able to consolidate them to unite so that they can demand and expect their dues. The city dwellers should be happy to see them to have developed understanding of need and ability to stand shoulder to shoulder instead of fighting each other to demand and receive the compensation for their services to society.

The urban educated should be happy that they have got back their ego to realize importance of modern education. Kashi Ram taught them to develop courage to shout from the main square of village to demand their rights. And he gave them a leader in Mayavati. Other leaders Mulayam Singh, Lalu Yadav and Nitish Kumar were able to consolidate others into political groups. Their numbers were able to capture the political wheels in several states. Mamta Bannerji, Navin Patnaik, Chandra Babu Naidu as well as Dravid Munnetra Kazhagam movement leaders were able to keep them organized. Hope of gaining their share keeps them away from violence.

Leadership structures of two main parties have not accommodated even a single representative from lower category interest groups even though they have been knocking their doors since 1971. The leadership structures and decisive authorities inside were filled with the upper strata. Disheartened by their failure to get a share in power structure, they had no options but to form their own structures only to invite derisive responses from urban class that wants the rural population to be educated but without attendant ambitions for their share in political power. Unfortunately, city dwellers including many educated who moved to urban dwelling from their rural origins are deprived, and the Dalit classes remain without ambitions for their share.

They are acceptable only if they accept the secondary status in the main party as the composition of both main coalitions the NDA and the UPA shows. But if they attempt to formalize third composition without aid and assistance of the two main parties of only city dwellers they become dreadful compositions that need to be condemned. Is that justice? Their fight for a share in power structure, even though they constitute more than half the electorate, is condemned as a potential threat as they are believed to reek in corruption and survive in compromises. Yet the reality is that all corrupt living is confined to cities and its dwellers.

The urban class trembles in fear at the thought of formation of third alliance mostly of the state parties depending on consolidation of different rural interest groups. It needs to be reminded that they are hugely outnumbered by rural classes. The denial can engulf them in fires of violence.