However, the possibility of fresh niggles delaying the ongoing road linkage project from Paletwa (Myanmar) to Mizoram from Sittwe port, a somewhat troubled business, remains a threat.

For Bangladesh, the latest coup, strenuously underplayed if not denied outright by both Myanmar and China, is nothing short of a heartbreaker. After Dhaka’s Herculean efforts to forcing Myanmar to the point of initiating concrete action to take back lakhs of stranded Rohingyas under mounting international pressure, Burmese authorities finally agreed to rehabilitate over 40,000 ‘refugees’ after a prolonged scrutiny. At long last, the ice seemed to be melting albeit at glacial ‘speed’. Naypitaw ‘cleared’ these people out of a list of around 800,000 people drawn up by Dhaka, after years of never- ending talks.

It seems things will be back to square for one as far as Bangladesh is concerned.

The overthrow of the newly elected NLD(National league for Democracy) Government headed by former Supreme Counsellor, Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has come as a bitter pill for Dhaka in the new year. There were hopes on both sides of the international border that it would be possible to repatriate the fortunate 40,000 people to the Rakhine province by March/ April as a major first step towards resolving a long standing regional humanitarian crisis.

At present, around 11,00,000-plus Rohingyas are estimated to be holed up in Cox’s Bazar and other parts of Bangladesh. About 100,000 are being shifted to the newly emerged Bhashan char island, about 21 miles off shore from Bangladesh. Dhaka deserves credit for providing the best of rehab facilities for such a large number of people, a feat achieved defeating universal scepticism as to whether any major scheme could be carried out on the island.

Since 1982 when the a new Citizenship law was announced by Burmese authorities , declaring Rohingya Muslims only ‘resident foreigners’ not citizens, their exodus to Bangladesh has occurred in waves, in ever larger numbers. Initially, around 250,000 came over to escape the ruthless ethnic cleansing carried out by the Burmese army through repeated raids against largely unarmed men, women and children. Being the most densely populated country in the world itself, Bangladesh was left reeling by the socio-economic impact of such a large exodus on its limited territory . The continuing avalanche of unplanned Rohingya arrivals and the total lack of response by the neighbouring country responsible for the exodus, nearly sabotaged Bangladesh’s desperate struggle to emerge from its own economic backwardness, as confirmed by its’ low middle class ‘ economic status.

Media reports as well as researchers make it clear that there have been at least 4/5 major ethnic cleansing raids to drive out the community settled in the Rakhine province in recent years. The last one conducted by the armed forces occurred in Sept 2017. The community had settled in the Rakhine province since the 1820s during the British rule, recruited from nearby areas as migrant labour.

The majority Buddhist view is that they came over from Bangladesh, a narrative Dhaka rejects strongly. While the Rohingyas can stay on the Rakhines, their children cannot study beyond the primary level. Nor can they look forward to get official jobs or easily access medical help. They can do forced labour as ordered by the Government, on subsistence level wages but cannot travel to other areas within Myanmar, leaving their tents. Such official mistreatment has spawned much contempt and hatred for the Rohingyas among the majority Buddhists who accuse them of Islamic militancy, of breeding faster to outnumber natives tribes and Burmans, etc etc. Another thing, the Government enjoyed the right to confiscate any Rohingya-owned property at any time.

Over the years, international opinion has gone largely against Myanmar for its unabashedly brutal treatment of the Rohingyas, currently described as the world’s worst persecuted minority. The high hopes generated after Myanmar opted for democratic elections a decade ago were belied in no time. Much was expected from the NLD headed by its Supreme Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, but in vain. She shocked world opinion by not only approving the decision to marginalise a vibrant living community of around 1.6 million people, but by actively defending the various army raids . She dismissed reports and allegations of genocide made by major civil rights groups and campaigners either as motivated or as exaggerated accounts. The nobel laureate, who has been castigated already at many international fora for adopting such a stance, has only this to say by way of regret: ‘Perhaps such matters could have been handled better!’

Myanmar-based observers maintained that the NLD’s political survival was always contingent on the army’s support . Elections or not, the armed men in uniform still remained the power behind the throne. The latest coup has certainly confirmed their views. The army stepped in to take over Governance on the plea that there were major complaints of rigging and other electoral malpractices in the recently ended polls which the NLD, the winning party refused to deal with.

Her most recent comments came after two Burmese soldiers had let the cat out of the bag during a hearing of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at the Hague. Two soldiers of the predominantly Buddhist Army admitted that there had indeed occurred a genocide of the Rohingyas in September 2017, giving details hitherto unknown. Myanmar authorities had always dismissed such accusations. Now they faced a major embarrassment following the exposure.

No wonder Ms Kyi came in for a fresh round of booing from among Western liberals for echoing the army line in her denial mode. Naypitaw also reacted. According to Burmese media reports the Government called upon the ICJ authorities and others concerned in the Gambia- sponsored PIL currently being fought on the plight of the Rohingyas, to return both soldiers immediately. Myanmar’s argument: if the ‘deserters’ committed a crime in Burmese territory, there were official procedures to proceed against them. In fact the army already probing some allegations on its own. The soldiers could assist such efforts.

However, the ICJ judge ordered the Myanmar authorities to send in regular quarterly reports on the steps taken in Rakhine province had taken to facilitate the return of the stranded Rohingyas. Media reports said he further directed the government to submit a comprehensive report after every six months on action taken — hardly music to officials ears in Naypitaw. Most observers fear, if returned to Myanmar, the ‘deserters’ may be jailed for life, if not executed for treason, for embarrassing the Government. Myanmar, it is common knowledge has never been a reputed paradise for upholding civil or political liberties of its people. The ICJ did not order the repatriation to Myanmar of the concerned soldiers.

As for the ICJ, its recommendations remain at best a moral victory for the Rohingyas and people championing their cause. They are not mandatory. ‘There can be no question however that what has happed at the ICJ comes as a major moral defeat for the regime in Myamnar’, says an APDR activist in Kolkata. Gambia had filed the suit alleging that Burmese authorities from all accounts had violated all basic provisions outlined in the 1948 Genocide convention.

New Delhi’s priority should be to complete the ongoing road building scheme through difficult terrain linking Mizoram with Paletwa, so that an alternate road route is available between the two countries. This is important for its Look East initiative. Work on linking the Sittwe port to Kolkata by the river/coastal route is fortunately over. Given its cordial relations with the Myanmar army, the Indian army must find a way of satisfying rebellious tribes suspected of pro Chinese loyalties, not to disrupt the road project. (IPA Service)