Sound industrial relations have always been a common and formidable challenge for both workers and employers in the country, and the attitude of the present incumbent at the centre has been making it even more challenging and difficult to achieve. Their so called ‘national interest’ does neither mean ‘sound industrial relations’ nor the ‘workers interest’ and hence ultimately harmful for the country and its people, especially when inadequate job creation, acute shortage of decent work, and the uneven distribution of the benefit of economic growth have been worsened during the pandemic.

Trade unionism is the only hope in this context but it has been systematically weakened both legally and illegally. Trade unions themselves are not performing well because they have become too weak to respond to the new challenges effectively, though they have historically been promoting and protecting the interest of workers. The 10 Central Trade Unions (CTUs) which included INTUC, AITUC, HMS, CITU, AIUTUC TUCC, SEWA, AICCTU, LPF and the UTUC have been raising alarm over the Centre’s four controversial labour codes ever since they have been enacted last year during the pandemic and are agitating against them. They have also been agitating against large scale privatisation of the public sector in the country. However, it does not seem to be an effective deterrence for Modi government. The RSS supported Bharatiya Majdoor Sangh (BMS), the largest central trade union in India, has also been opposing certain measures of the Modi government, but without an effect.

Modi government is trying to push their agenda, which opposition allege to be anti-worker and pro-private and pro-corporate sector, with its all might because they know the fact that the trade unions in India has been losing their strength for a long time because of decreasing number of regular quality jobs in formal sector of the economy. A situation has been deliberately created in which informal employment and contract workers have been increasing fast. Workers are even losing their right to organize and thereby their collective bargaining power.

Even increasing migrant workers have therefore been suffering the most, because of their financial compulsions, and they have been made to surrender their rights to organize for better bargaining. Gender equality remains an issue in both formal and informal work and girl and women workers are being exploited more than the boys and male workers is several financial and non-financial ways. Lack of workers’ safety and security at workplaces, and also lack of social security to majority of workers have made them vulnerable while trade unions are not able to protect them.

The 10 central trade unions and also the RSS supported BMS has strongly criticized even the latest monetization plan of the Modi government which seeks to sell off Rs 6 lakh crores of public assets over four years. Even BMS, which is a sister organization of the ruling BJP, has said that the National Monetisation Pipeline (NMP) last week is akin to “selling the family silver”. BMS general secretary Binoy Kumar Sinha has said, “We understand that the government needs funds, but this is not the way. They should come up with an alternative plan. We are considering our next course of action, including protests.”

The BMS has planned agitation against privatisation of public sector enterprises in September next month which will now include the protest against the NMP launched by the Modi government. BMS has been protesting even certain provisions of the four labour codes and has been suggesting changes. However, how can one hope for stiff resistance by BMS against her own sister political organization’s rule led by Modi? Their suggestions of changes are therefore merely cosmetic, such as cap on earned leaves to be increased to 300 days. Modi government is therefore sitting pretty and giving further push to his agenda, because the largest central trade union’s suggestion does not seek to drastically alter or repeal of the enacted labour codes. BMS has been in talk with the Modi government and both are comfortable with each other and their differences are no more than “sibling’s quarrel.”

As for the other 10 CTUs, they have been opposing the four labour codes right from their enactment last year. They organized all India protests, burnt copies of the codes, and even gave call for all India industrial and general strikes, but of no avail. Modi government ignored them and disregarded their demand to roll them back. His government had intended to implement the codes from the current fiscal, but could not do so because the states were busy with handling the COVID-19 and could not prepare rules according to the code which was legally binding for implementation of the codes by the centre. Additionally, the employers’ organizations have asked for some time for preparation to implement the codes. Private sector was, by and large not prepared to implement the codes.

Now the Modi government has signaled for their implementation in near future. Labour Ministry is preparing to revive the Indian Labour Conference (ILC), the annual apex tripartite meet comprising government, employers’ representatives and employees’ representatives on all key labour policies. ILC was under suspension for six years under Modi Raj. Now it want to revive it only to ensure the smooth roll-out of the four labour codes that is being opposed by the 10 CTUs, and anti-labour and pro-corporate.

The 10 CTUs are also opposing the privatisation plan of the centre and also the recently announced NMP to sell public assets to private entities to the tune of Rs 6 lakh crore. They have termed it “loot of national wealth”. The CTUs have decided to continue their protest against the Centre’s moves with all their might and vowed to protect the workers’ interest. However, the million dollar question is – Could the CTUs be successful with their very weak show of strength, and if not, who would be promoting and protecting the workers’ interest? (IPA Service)