Without losing sight of the fact that social media is part and parcel of communication and political campaigning, it is an attempt to gloss over the fact that BJP's grassroots organisation is in shambles in West Bengal. There is no bar nor any stigma in the use of Social Media as this is the age of communication and political campaigning is an integral part of it.

But making no mention of rallies or street corner meetings in his campaign pitch for the state, Shah is giving expression to his disappointment that there are no crowd-pullers in the state leadership. By the same token, door to door visits by a state leader won't yield requisite political dividend to the saffron camp on the eve of the elections.

The second tactic has been tried but leaders knocking at the door of Bengal's “Who is Who” backfired on an earlier occasion. Rahul Sinha, the then state BJP chief got a piece of his mind from the late Soumitra Chattopadhyay, a thespian and a cultural icon of the state, on the demonetisation issue.

While Sinha was at a loss for words, the lack of research on the part of the state saffron camp came to the fore. Left ideology being close to Chattopadhayay's heart, it is only natural that he will give the saffron honcho a mouthful in a temperate language.

Nuts and bolts man that he is, the Union Home Minister is only too aware of the organisational weakness of the West Bengal unit. If the state unit’s supposed strength is flaunted before the national leadership, Amit Shah, a former party President, would be the last person to be hoodwinked by it.

Keeping this factor of a weak-kneed party organisation in mind, Shah's call for increased use of Social Media zeroed in on another target, he sought to cover up the absence of top party leaders in the 2024 election campaign.

The poll campaign scenario next year would be sans back to back visits of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Shah. The duo's whistle-stop trips to West Bengal before the 2021 Assembly elections had apparently brought the BJP within almost striking distance of governance.

But both the charismatic leaders would be busy in nationwide campaign next year to devote much time to a single state. Given national campaign considerations, It does not matter to them that one of their staunchest opponents, Mamata Banerjee, is at the helm of affairs.

Reverting to the composition of the core poll panel formed by Shah in the state, inclusion of Dilip Ghosh gives it a significant new dimension. Ghosh is one of the saffron camp leaders with a magic touch. In the 2014 Assembly polls, Ghosh defeated veteran Congress legislator, octogenarian Gyan Singh Sohan Pal, and became an MP in 2019 trouncing Trinamool nominee Dr Manas Bhunia. Both were his maiden appearances in electoral politics.

Ghosh, who also headed the state unit in 2019, can be credited with BJP bagging 18 seats in the Lok Sabha elections. It is a pointer to his organisational acumen as it needs to be noted that the visits of the Modi-Shah duo in 2019 were far less than in the Assembly polls two years after.

Besides Ghosh, another former state chief Rahul Sinha is now a part of the core poll panel. Incidentally, all the four Ministers of State from West Bengal, together with the present state chief, Sukanta Majumdar, are notable exceptions.

Both Ghosh and Sinha had been sidelined by the present state leadership. Their return to the limelight is a clear signal of the new organisational equation in the party. The exclusion of four ministers of State apart, the central leadership has conveyed grave tidings to the rest of the 14 MPs from this state. Several MPs are likely to be replaced though the leadership has indicated that those left out will be deployed to ensure the party nominee's victory. Shah has diagnosed the weaknesses of the state unit and steps have been taken to remedy them.

The fact remains that the state of the grassroots organisation of the BJP is wobbly. Only the 2024 Lok Sabha poll results will show whether Shah's prescription for the West Bengal unit has been timely. (IPA Service)