However, senior RSS leaders at a high level urgent meeting held recently resolved that RSS would not support Modi for the third term, even in the case the BJP manages to get majority at the polls. The meeting attained importance because almost all the state chiefs of the RSS were present in it, unanimously concluding that Modi had lost the trust of the RSS leaders, cadres and swayamsevaks. It was said that Modi has been behaving in the autocratic manner, which was detrimental to the interest of the organisation.
Some leaders also sought to know from the RSS leadership, especially from chief Mohan Bhagwat, why so far no action has been initiated against him. These members felt that Modi should have been asked to explain his behaviour of projecting himself as the supreme leader of the saffron ecosystem. It was clarified that Modi was indeed asked to behave in a more mature manner, but he preferred to ignore the advice. He treated himself as a bigger authority than the RSS.
The state heads complained how leaders close to him were ignoring the local cadres and treating them with contempt. It was also revealed that Modi has raised a brigade of around 60,000 paid BJP workers, who were acting as the super bosses, while the RSS workers were not even paid for their food and travelling expenses when on tour. The most poignant criticism of Modi was for his treating the RSS workers and leaders as serfs. Even the state RSS leaders are denied audience and asked to meet Amit Shah instead. Most of the participants felt that the situation should not have deteriorated to such an extent, and Modi should not have targeted Nehru-Gandhi, especially Pandit Nehru, constantly. These leaders also accused Modi ministers of keeping away from the ground level cadres and common people.
Much against the common perception that RSS has expanded and gained ground, the RSS leaders pointed out that front organisations are turning defunct. The worst hit has been with the Mazdoor Sangh (labour wing). They alleged that even the organisations like Bajrang Dal are deviating from their ideological and philosophical line. In some places, the training camps are getting closed. Of late, there had been quite less emphasis on ideological cultivation.
In recent times, RSS has accorded more importance on social work and is fanning out to the rural and tribal areas where it has so far been weak. But this programme is not getting the required support from BJP governments in these states.
The participants pointed out that it is the utter lack of right kind of intellectual feedback because of which the volunteers and cadres are confused on most of the important issues. One of them has been reservation for OBCs, Dalits and EBCs. Accusing fingers were obliquely raised towards Bhagwat for his inconsistent stand on reservation. Most of the cadres are unable to identify with Bhagwat’s flip-flops. On September 21, 2015, Bhagwat had pitched for a review of the reservation, contending it has been used for political ends and suggesting setting up of an apolitical committee to examine who needs the facility and for how long.
Latter he changed his stance and supported reservation. In recent days, the parties opposed to RSS and BJP outright accuse the saffron brigade of speaking lies and practicing double standards. They argue if RSS supports reservation, why Bhagwat is not directing Modi to concede opposition’s stand and demand for caste census. Why they are opposing it? Making a U-turn from his earlier stand, Bhagwat recently said in Nagpur that discrimination exists in society, and reservations should continue as long as inequality persists. "We at the RSS give all support to the reservations provided in the Constitution," he said.
RSS publicity in-charge Anand Ambedkar clarified on December 21 that the “Sangh is not against caste census, but such an exercise should be used to achieve overall development of society while ensuring that no harm is caused to social harmony and unity.” This is an evasive clarification. Social harmony is used by the rightist organisations only to protect the interest of the exploiters.
In this backdrop, it is interesting to point out that RSS’s Vidarbha chief Gadge, while speaking to legislators from the BJP and the Shiv Sena in Nagpur, had outrightly rejected the idea of a caste census, claiming it would divide society and harm “nationalism”. On December 18, addressing a rally, Modi attacked the opposition parties batting for caste census stating that he knew only four castes – youth, women, deprived sections and farmers.
In sharp contrast to Modi’s stance, his deputy Amit Shah while campaigning in Chhattisgarh during last assembly election had said that the party has “never opposed the idea of caste census”. In 2017, RSS’s publicity chief Manmohan Vaidya had also opposed caste-based reservation at the Jaipur Literature Festival. The participants pointed out that the ambivalent and contradictory statements were not liked by the people and they question the sincerity and commitment of the RSS, more than the promise of the BJP or Modi.
Reservation and caste census have become most sensitive issues in 2024 Lok Sabha election and have turned Modi’s communal polarisation irrelevant and ineffective. The leaders lamented that Modi has miserably failed to come out with the alternate approach. In the existing electoral scenario, Modi could have used Bhagwat’s support for reservation to strengthen its appeal among the OBCs. But he has not done so. He has not succeeded in even embracing Dalits and EBCs. The party is still identified as a party representing the interest of Brahmins, Baniyas and upper caste Hindus.
The mood prevailing at the meet was quite belligerent and participants were not at all willing to relent. They made it absolutely clear that they would not actively participant in the electoral process and reach the voters, especially the BJP supporters, to the polling booths. In fact, the RSS top leaders were under pressure to spell out their strategy on who to support. Participants argued that this will invigorate the voters and inject a new sense of hope. In that backdrop, the percentage polling also may get a boost.
Going by the nature of political discourse and mood of the leaders, it does not appear that the rest five phases would witness a significant change. It is unlikely that the RSS cadre would have a relook at their decision. Modi has virtually been left to fend for himself. How far his lieutenant, his modern-day Chanakya, Amit Shah would succeed in salvaging the situation is not clear. If the sources are to be relied on, the RSS cadres are most hurt at his arrogant style of functioning and treatment to the cadres and volunteers.
The participants also pointed out that most of the statements and speeches of Amit Shah have been contradictory and do not adhere to the party line. They reflect his personal understanding of the situation. Shah often accuses Rahul Gandhi and the Congress for misleading the country on reservation. If he is correct, then why he is not coming with a white paper on this issue. Similar has been his stand on CAA and NCR. The leaders emphasised that instead of treating the people, especially Hindus as idiots, they must bring about changes in their working and utterances. They suggested that Modi and Shah must speak the truth and should not hedge around. They also cautioned that Shah must forthwith stop reiterating “Modi-ji’s guarantees”. Now people laugh whenever someone mentions the word guarantee. (IPA Service)
RIFT BETWEEN RSS AND MODI MAY COST THE BJP HEAVILY IN 2024 POLLS
FLIP-FLOP ON RESERVATION, CASTE CENSUS HAS CONFUSED SANGH CADRES
Arun Srivastava - 2024-05-01 12:04
Narendra Modi, who for years boasted of the sobriquet “Hindu Hridaya Samrat”, could not have imagined even in his dreams that the RSS would one day distance itself from him and denounce him as its prime ministerial candidate. From the day the Lok Sabha elections were announced, the manner in which Modi has undertaken the poll campaigning had made it obvious that Modi was still the public face of the saffron ecosystem for the third consecutive term.