Caste has always been a sensitive subject. But Caste census is a double-edged sword. Religion and caste play an important role during elections. Therefore it is natural that political parties, which survive on their caste politics, demand a caste-based census. Moreover, the Backward Classes have grabbed power in some states and changed the nature of politics. The BJP has chief ministers in at least three states despite being dominated by the upper castes.

While parties like the BJP, SP, RJD, JD (U) and the DMK demand a caste- based census, the government was dithering with a divided cabinet. Even Home Minister P. Chidambaram was visibly annoyed by the decision.

The social organizations demand a caste-based census for the empowerment of the backward classes but why do the political parties do so? It is because armed with this statistics they can invoke the “biradari” sentiment to reach Parliament and legislatures. The backward class leaders like the SP chief Mulayam Singh and the RJD president Lalu Prasad Yadav or JD(U) chief Sharad Yadav argue that such a census is required in a caste ridden society like India as it cannot be wished away. Secondly, enumerating the caste would help in implementation of policies devised on caste. Thirdly, considering the complexity of castes and their significant bearing on the society, reliable data on castes should be available. However, they are silent on the creamy layer, which grabs the benefits.

The BJP and left and most regional parties are backing the Yadav trio for their own reasons. The Congress party is divided and would have liked an internal debate before agreeing for a caste- based census. Even within the cabinet, OBC leaders like Veerappa Moily, Vayalar Ravi, A. Raja and M.K. Azhagiri supported it while others like Anand Sharma opposed it.

Is there a need to resume a caste-based census or will it result in more social conflict and social disorder? Will counting of castes help in reduction of inequality? Will it be diversity in unity or unity in diversity? These questions can be answered only after the census results are obtained. For now, there are arguments for and against which have their own merits and demerits.

The demand came first from the Backward Classes Commission to identify the OBCs. Secondly, the Social Justice ministry has initiated such a move recently. Thirdly, since the women reservation is on the agenda, a caste-based census will help. Fourthly, scholars would like such a census, as it will help them study the social order. Fifthly, with more castes seeking inclusion and the courts disagreeing for reservation beyond 50 per cent, an authentic OBC list would go a long way in helping the government to supply data to the courts.

The opponents cite the stand taken by India's first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, who decaled that such a census would never be undertaken. Successive governments since then had resisted it. The last such census was enumerated in 1931 when Lord Irwin was the Viceroy. In 1941, there was no census on account of the Second World War. After Independence, founding fathers were in favour of building a casteless society. Moreover, caste is a subjective and not an objective measurable category like occupation, age, sex and education. There is no uniform definition of the OBCs across the country. The Articles 15(4), 16(4) and 340 refer to “socially and educationally backward classes “. In the past six or more decades some castes have changed and some others have merged and new ones have emerged.

The government was naturally reluctant on the ground that the logistics of caste enumeration would be daunting. Home Minister P. Chidambaram gave a cogent argument as to why it cannot be done. More over, with over 6000 recognized castes and sub castes, it would be a nightmare for the census officials to collect the data and collate it. The enumerators, who are mostly elementary school teachers are not trained to deal with this complex issue. There is also a tendency to misreport and misrepresent data to gain benefits.

What happens when the census figures come out after enumeration? Will it throw up some new figures? Will it create more confusion or will it destroy some myths? No one knows what kind of effect it will produce - good or bad --, as the caste-based census is a leap in the dark.

One thing is certain. It is bound to unleash new forces. New leaders may emerge and new equations may be established. Some castes may develop new assertiveness. The short comment is that the political parties are confusing the issue. Census is a great demographic exercise, which should not be confused with the social order. The census officials are asked to collect observational data and not information on self-categorization. Whether the collection of caste data will be socially divisive or help in the quest for equality is still debatable. More thoughts need to be given on how to use the data.

The grounds on which Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel had scrapped such an exercise holds good even today. But the political parties are playing caste politics for their own narrow ends. Cleary, we need to go beyond castes, quotas and vote banks and look for a casteless society, as was the dream of Jawaharlal Nehru. (IPA Service)