Coverage of the September 7 general strike called by 9 major trade unions was minimal. If anything, it was more so in the national media, which barely reported the strike. What had happened was serious enough and the issue of price rise could not be ignored either. Yet, especially in the Bengal context, TU and left leaders had been guilty of overkill. It was the third major work disruption over the issue here in four months. Other states had only two milder opposition protests, including Tripura.

Tripura Chief Minister Manik Sarkar had put his foot down against joining the countrywide strike on July 5 over the same issue. He pointed out that along with West Bengal, left parties had already observed a partial strike late in June over price rise. Therefore, instead of having another disruption in July, the state would join the nation-wide agitation only on Sep 7.

It is a sign of his reduced importance of late that West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, who also wanted to keep out of the July 5 agitations, was overruled by the CPI(M) Central leadership (read Prakash Karat) once more. The party's argument was : unless West Bengal took the lead, a negative message would be sent to opposition parties and groups all over India !

Bhattacharjee, now truly a lame duck figure, understood as well as anyone that once more the rest of India expected West Bengal to make a sacrifice of its economic interests “for a public cause”. With other hapless fellow citizens of this singularly unfortunate state, he must have wondered, just when would the process end, if ever — the rest of India began expecting Bengal to make such sacrifices since the partition in 1947. The story continued as the centre carried on with its freight equalisation policy, the Ninth Finance Commission recommendations, the per capita allocations for the Five Year Plans … and always, the state got short shrift from the centre.

There were several unusual features about the Sep 7 strike in West Bengal. First, the Muslims made no secret of their anger over the bandh call, coming only three or four days before Id. Fumed Imam Barkati of the Tipu Sultan Mosque, Central Kolkata, “Would anyone dare to have called a bandh three days before Durga Puja?” He had a point.

Strangely, the usually aggressive CITU leaders, who enforce their bandhs through muscle power and intimidation with the police looking the other way, went on the defensive. They did not explain that the date had been fixed after consultations with other major TUs in Delhi long ago. Instead, they promptly declared that shops etc could be opened after sunset, allowing Muslims to have their Iftar ceremony during Roza.

Not good enough. Angry Muslims pointed out that that even if shops were kept open, how would customers come, there being no public transport? “I have lost a full day's earnings today, as hardly anyone turned up,” complained a fruit-seller on Dharamtala Street, “Will the CITU compensate our losses?”

Former Chief Minister Siddhartha Sankar Ray also raised pertinent questions. “It seems the government is dividing territory on a communal basis. What do they mean by “minority areas”? Muslims live everywhere. And if Muslims open their shops, who can prevent non Muslims from doing likewise? All of Bengal belongs to all its citizens, that should be the principle.”

Normally, political parties in West Bengal do not oppose agitation programmes of their rivals, except through press statements. However, there were signs that this convention of political toleration may be nearing its end. This time, Trinamool supporters brought out anti bandh rallies and demos in north and South Kolkata, the city's suburbs and even in the districts, more than matching CITU picketers in strength. Workers supporting Trinamool Congress even went to a hospital and a factory, determined to report for work, but CITU supporters locked the gates!

Most observers welcomed the Trinamool initiative, because people generally are fed up with bandhs and work disruptions, after 33 years of left rule. Trinamool leader Ms Mamata Banerjee has also made it clear that her party would not launch or support disruptive agitations at the drop of a hat.

These signs are ominous for the left. Unless the left front returns to power in the 2011 Assembly elections, the police will no longer dance to the CITU's tune in future. It is difficult to foresee anyone rushing to help the CITU's strong arm squads in case they face physical attacks from their rivals, once the CPI(M) is reduced to sitting in the opposition benches. (IPA)