Mukherjee now confides in corporates that Mamata has been the main hurdle in proceeding with the reform road map, especially disinvestment. But for her objections the government might have spelt out the full road map in general budget. Had the reform plan been mentioned in the President's address or general budget, and the didi raised hackles, that might have led to a first rate government crisis. Mukherjee says he wanted to avert it. He thus inadvertently blasts some veritable myths. It has been the unpredictable didi, not the Nehruvian remnants in Congress, that had forced the reform pause.

This version, if true, even repudiates Sonia Gandhi's reported caution about rushing with the old reform schedule. Mukherjee now sounds confident in his new endeavour. Unlike in the case of the hard Left with sufficient grey matter, efforts to win over Mamata have shown good results. Hence he seeks some more time. According to latest trends, apart from the Bengali babus claiming to be close to her, big names like Amit Mitra of FICCI, Wipro chief Azim Premji and Sam Pitroda are moving into her inner circles. Mitra is already the head of an industry panel she has set up to study private-public-partnership in railways.

Pitroda is being made the head of a railway panel to study laying of optical fibre lines. The relentless anti-industry agitator, who has pushed out the Tatas and blocked several industrial projects in West Bengal, has plans to line up a number of industrialists. Such direct role for the private business, some thing unusual for the railways, is seen as a clear indication of a reformed Mamata. The confidence level within the government's reform lobby is so high that some of Mamata's tamers hope she will soon emerge as a reform econ like the old Chandrababu Naidu and S.M. Krishna. But caution: don't mention Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee's name in the exalted list. That will ruffle her feathers.

In the past, use of corporates and economic bureaucrats to rein in non-conformist politicians has been found quite effective. Former bureaucrat N.K. Singh could considerably influence the economic thinking of a more level-headed chief minister like Nitish Kumar. But can Mamata be tamed so easily? Will her compulsions of having to compete with West Bengal 's traditional Left policies push her into occasional tantrums? This is what worries those who are familiar with her style of functioning and whimsical responses. She has always been unpredictable.

Consider this. Over a week back, after a couple of sittings with a reform economist, Mamata had given the impression that she is willing to allow a 10 per cent disinvestment in some of the central PSUs. This had come as a great relief to the government side. However, two days after when she met Pranab Mukherjee, she was a changed person. This was when she met Mukherjee to take up the case of Air India union. 'I told Pranabda there should be no disinvestment in AI or any PSU,' she told the waiting media persons. She said she would not allow the CPI(M) get any opportunity to charge the UPA government with being 'anti-worker.' But strangely, no one carried her remarks.

Similar is the case with the question of retaining the National Investment Fund. NIF was set up when the Left had insisted during the UPA's first term that the proceeds from the PSU sales should not be spent to plug budget deficit. Instead it should be used for the revival and strengthening of the PSUs. It seems at one stage Mamata had agreed to use part of the NIF for financing the welfare programmes for the poor. Then the government side changed its position when Mamata went back on her assurance.

The Congress Party's problems with Mamata on reform had surfaced at her very first meeting with PM after the elections. Later during a formal meeting of the UPA allies, both Mamata Banerjee and DMK insisted on setting up a coordination committee to regularly plan strategies and resolve differences. This is some thing the lead parties of both the NDA (BJP) and UPA (Congress) had vehemently resented. Both maintained that such formal bodies will become a platform for 'unnecessarily' airing out imaginary grievances. This time, the Congress side first avoided the issue altogether.

When insisted, the PM finally agreed to consider the formation of some such 'small panels' to resolve differences. Both allies had also insisted on drafting a revised common minimum programme. At the meeting, the PM had tried to sidetrack both issues and said the June 4 President's address to Parliament will henceforth be the UPA's programme. Clearly, Mamata was not convinced. She wanted a CMP be drafted by all allies together. But so far she has not raked up the issue. And one cannot be sure when will she strike.

Last month during the debate on President's address, Trinamul's Sudip Bandopadhyaya had made it clear that the didi will not support disinvestment in profit-making PSUs in West Bengal and outside. The party will also oppose the Land Acquisition Act and SEZs. FDI in retail and pension and banking reforms are other items in the 'no' list. 'Left ideology is good, but it is the CPI(M) that is bad,' Mamata had said. The way her MPs, along with other UPA allies like the DMK, opposed the petrol prices hike gives some indication about the bumpy road ahead for those trying to tame her.

Disinvestment is Pranab's immediate worry. On this depends the fate of budget deficit. How soon can Pranab tame the Bengal tigress? Can the corporate PR really turn that reckless factory buster into a development doer? For answers to this one has to go into the dynamics of street politics in West Bengal. She speaks the Left language because her anti-CPI(M) crowds have to deal with the Left. Hence she does the rabble-rousing against acquiring farm land, putting up factories and 'exploitation by tycoons.' This is what makes her the only challenger to the Bengal CPI(M). Her own chelas fear that once she loses this unique strong point, she will lose her advantage - like Samson's lock. This makes taming of Mamata a rather tricky job. (IPA Service)