Considering that the same coarseness also characterizes the comments of the saffron brigade on the internet, the inference can be drawn that they both belong to the same social group, viz. the middle class, and share the same antipathy towards the Congress and especially Sonia Gandhi.

However, their intolerance can be said to reflect the attitude of some of the “leaders” of the movement. Notwithstanding their occasional observations in favour of negotiations, their basic uncompromising stance remains unchanged. Although there are occasional suggestions from a few in Anna Hazare’s side that they may relent in the matter of including the prime minister and the judiciary under the Lokpal, this change is rarely endorsed by the main spokespersons.

What is more, it will be mistake to regard this obduracy as a tactical ploy. Instead, it is a sign of the conviction in the Anna camp that there can be no question of a retreat since they are on the side of the angels and have the support of a vast majority of the country’s population – a belief which is peddled by one particular English television channel while a Hindi channel believes that supporters of the government are looking for post-retirement benefits. It is a kind of blind stubbornness which is typical of religious fundamentalists, who believe in the justness of their cause and have no time for non-believers.

It is also typical of such bigots that the infidels are not only their main adversaries – in this case, the Congress – but even those who may be sympathetic towards them but do not agree on every single point. Among the latter are Aruna Roy and Nikhil Dey, who have also submitted an alternate draft of the Lokpal bill to the parliamentary standing committee. But, as Dey pointed out in a TV programme, they have received a large number of what is known as hate mail, which were also regularly sent by the saffron parivar to “secularists” when the Hindutva movement was at its height.

That this similarity of response between the two groups may be not accidental can be presumed from two factors. One is the support which the RSS is known to be extending to the Anna group from behind the scene. The other is that the Gandhian himself has distinct Right-wing views as his earlier praise of Narendra Modi for his development model and of Raj Thackeray for championing the cause of the Marathi manoos suggest. Besides, the chanting of Vande Mataram and Bharat Mata ki jai at Ramlila maidan and elsewhere by Anna’s supporters indicate that they have no interest in drawing the minorities to their cause.

This Right-wing, “nationalistic” and anti-Congress tilt should have induced the BJP to jump on to civil society bandwagon, not least because of the RSS’s subterranean backing. But the party is holding back for several reasons. First, the campaign leaders themselves do not want any overt political connection. Right from the time of Anna’s Jantar Mantar fast, they have kept the politicians at a distance. Secondly, the BJP is not sure how troublesome the super-kangaroo-court envisaged by the civil society in its Jan Lokpal bill will be for the governments at the centre and in the states.

Considering that the BJP is in power in eight states, it has to keep in mind the sensitivities of the chief ministers. Already, it has had to drag one chief minister kicking and screaming from his post after the Karnataka Lokayukta’s adverse verdict. But, in view of the fact that one of the BJP’s former presidents was caught on camera accepting money in a sting operation, can the party afford to extend wholehearted support to the civil society’s draft? Unlike the BJP, the Left has little in common with the Anna camp except the latter’s anti-Congress stance. But that is not enough for the comrades to back it. Hence, their futile attempt to revive the third front.

The BJP, however, cannot resist the temptation of exploiting the anti-Congress sentiments which the Anna camp has whipped up. L.K. Advani, therefore, thought that this was the right moment for him to call for Manmohan Singh’s resignation and thereby tell everyone not to count him out as a possible prime ministerial candidate. But even if Manmohan Singh cannot dissociate himself from two bungles – the police action against Baba Ramdev in the Ramlila grounds and Anna’s recent arrest – Rahul Gandhi’s silence at a time of turmoil means that the heir apparent is still not ready for the big job – even if Anna prefers him (or someone from the PMO) as a possible negotiator. (IPA Service)