Take Punjab’s changing political scenario. For the last six years, the health of the Punjab Congress has virtually been in a terminal state, mainly for two reasons: impact of the corruption-infested UPA government’s political and governance paralysis; and, the vertical and horizontal divisions in the state unit caused by the self-inflicted electoral wounds since 2007. In sharp contrast, the Akali leaders have been in high spirits and also on the offensive following their party’s electoral wins and high-sounding promises.

But lately, the situation is showing signs of change. The ruling Akali leaders appear to be in a defensive mode. They are also betraying signs of concern. The reasons for the changes in the scenario are not hard to find.

First about the changing national scenario. It is a known fact that the UPA government has virtually recovered from its political paralysis by taking quick decisions on both the fronts forcing the BJP to explore ways to rethink about its strategy to reverse the situation.

But two latest developments have poured cold water on the saffron party’s hopes. First was the statement by Narendra Modi’s right-hand man Amit Shah, in-charge of UP’s election campaign, reiterating the party’s resolve to build Ram Mandir in Ayodhya. The controversy raised by his utterances had hardly died down when the party’s potential prime ministerial candidate Modi triggered another controversy when he equated those killed in Gujarat with ‘puppies’. In his last week’s interview with an international news agency, Modi said that he didn’t feel guilty for the 2002 Gujarat riots, in which more than 1,000 innocent people were killed. ‘I felt as sad as an occupant of a car that runs over a puppy.’ The comments implied description of Muslims as puppies. This amounted to negating the BJP-led NDA’s plans to win over Muslims and broaden the NDA’s support base among the minorities for 2014 polls.

Now about the change in the Punjab scenario, which is reflected by some of the headlines appearing in last week’s newspapers. To quote a few.

“Bills not paid, internet access to police denied”; “Punjab fails to make the most of NABARD funds”; “Central grants for various central schemes not utilised/diverted to non-specified schemes”; “Government employees getting their salaries not on time”; “Coalition government’s pre-elections promises remain unfulfilled”; “Over 80,000 Dalit girls not paid crores of ‘shagun’ money for long”; “Supply of “daal” under the Akali-BJP government’s “atta-dal” scheme resumed in July 2013 after six months”; “Chief Parliamentary Secretary and cricketer Navjot Singh’s wife says their phone is being tapped”. “Akali MP and Deputy Chief Minister Sukhbir Singh’s wife Harsimrat Kaur describes the Food Security Ordinance as “Vote Security Ordinance”.

Akali-BJP government’s populist measures have often been described by some of the state’s senior functionaries as “hand-to-mouth living”. The state’s bankrupt exchequer and huge debt burden now needs to rephrase the description as “begging-to-mouth living”.

Harsimrat Kaur, whose performance in the Lok Sabha had been widely acclaimed, is not the only Akali leader who has described the Food Security Ordinance as “vote security ordinance.” It undoubtedly is. The fact is that all governments in the country have, on the eve of polls, been making populist promises like supplying cereals at very low prices, free laptops and bicycles, unemployment allowance etc. But once they come to power, they forget to honour most of their promises. The Akali-BJP government has been no exception. If the Centre’s Food Security Ordinance is “vote security ordinance”, what will the Akali leaders call their coalition government’s atta-dal scheme launched on the eve of 2007 elections? Wasn’t it also a “vote catching” measure?

Daljeet Singh Cheema, SAD spokesman said that the Congress had chosen the path of ordinance rather than debating the issue in Parliament. But he failed to explain why the NDA partners evaded debating important legislative measures by not allowing the Parliament to function. Politicians of all hues have perfected the art of doublespeak and double standards.

Now on the possible implications of the Supreme Court’s recent ruling to rid politics of criminals who now swarm India’s legislatures.

The Supreme Court last week ruled that MPs and MLAs would cease to be members of Parliament or an Assembly the moment they are convicted of a range of specific offences. In its second ruling, the court held that a person in jail, even if waiting for trial and not yet convicted, cannot contest an election.

These rulings cast dark clouds on the political future of some of Punjab’s important leaders including the former chief minister Capt. Amarinder Singh, the Deputy Chief Minister Sukhbir Singh Badal and Bibi Jagir Kaur.

Capt Amarinder Singh is facing trial in six cases pending against him in the courts. Sukhbir Singh is facing charges of murder bid, robbery, causing hurt, disappearance of proof of assault on scribe during Faridkot Lok Sabha poll in 1999. The case is now before the High Court. The appeal of former Akali minister Bibi Jagir Kaur against her conviction and five year sentence on charge of illegal confinement, abduction and forcible abortion of her pregnant daughter is also pending in the high court.

In the event of adverse court verdict against Amarinder Singh or Sukhbir Singh or both, will have the potential of blocking the legislative career of the affected leader for five years though the conviction may not bar his holding on to his important political office.

Given the time-consuming justice delivery system, one will have to wait for long with crossed fingers to see changes in Punjab politics that the court verdicts are bound to trigger.(IPA Service)