As of now, Maoists enjoy a relatively free run in West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia districts, with pockets of influence in Hooghly and Burbhum. This, despite a much-publicised “joint” operation by Central paramilitary forces and the state police that has continued for some months. No major arrests have been made, apart from routine patrolling of certain areas. There have been several exchanges of fire between Maoists and security personnel, without much apparent damage to either side.

Significantly, Maoists have retained the ability to strike at will. On October 20, they raided the Sakrail thana in Midnapore, kidnapped the OC, killed two policemen and made off with their weapons, also robbing a bank of nearly Rs 10,00,000. They explode land mines at will. They command enough public support to ensure that while the police chase them, roads will be cut at many places.

The complacent Left front and its bumbling administration can be blamed squarely for the Maoist resurgence in the state. Veteran scribes recall left front leaders, who have a penchant of analysing and commenting on all issues from Alaska to Asansol in “class” terms, rejecting suggestions that the Maoists were growing organisationally in Bengal.

The common refrain from Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee has been this. “What happens in Jharkhand, Orissa or Chhattisgarh cannot happen here. The left parties have their mass organisations over 50 years old, among the tribals and the poor peasantry, don't forget. The gap has been reduced between the haves and have-nots in these areas, etc etc”.

A senior CPI(M) leader of Midnapore district could not help gloating even while writing an article in the party mouthpiece some time ago. The population of undivided Midnapore district was around 90,00,000. And the combined membership of the CPI(M) and its mass organisations among peasants, students, women, teachers, tribals etc was around 24,00,000, which meant that one out of every four persons was a committed CPI(M) supporter. ”Can any other organisation match our strength,” he questioned. So where was the question of Maoists running amuck as in Jharkhand, Orissa or wherever ?

It is another matter that now, in less than a decade, his proud figures do not mean a thing; the so-called” membership” and ”committed support” were apparently non existent.

The tall political talk has been matched by a singularly wretched performance on the part of the administration. Top bureaucrats hardly ever visited these districts, parts of which are under forests and suffer from searing droughts. Drinking water and Power supply remain luxuries, nearly 60 years after Independence. Administrative postings are dreaded as punishment. The state's performance in securing the mandatory 100 days' work for every family in the rural areas under a central scheme has been abysmal. On average, people have got work for 17 days in 2007 and 19 in 2008!

Out of a recent allocation of Rs 60 crore to be spent on development in the three districts, only Rs 3 crore could be spent! “The only “development “ has taken place near the residence of Sushanta Ghosh, CPI(M) Minister from Midnapore. In recent years, “a park has been built and a police station set up near his home,” says a Forward bloc dissident, who is not exactly shocked over the emergence of the Maoist factor in local politics.

Far from providing jobs, schemes and minimum relief to the mostly BPL people in these districts, left leaders were busier organising anti-US rallies, thinly attended film festivals, building district “cultural centres”, or inviting Maradona to visit Bengal. It says a lot about left priorities in a state struggling with economic problems.

Observers are often puzzled as to how the Maoists could strike such deep roots in West Bengal where the Naxalite movement was crushed brutally by the state and Central governments dominated by the Congress and the left parties. The answer is, Maoists and their various sister organisations and fronts did not repeat the blunders made by the late Charu Mazumdar. The Naxalites had adopted individual terror killings as their only dubious contribution to the cause of a left revolution, had total disdain for any kind of mass-based politics and dug their own grave. Maoists have avoided this and have instead carefully stood by and protected the local poor in areas they command, from the excesses of powerful landlords who enjoy left support and the police.

This is why Maoists' “actions” - be it an act of extortion against a moneylender, an attack on a police vehicle, or the killing of a CPIM() leader - are rarely condemned by the local people.

No matter how bloodthirsty their tactics, they enjoy far more support among sections of the people than either the CPI(M), other left parties or the Trinamool Congress (TMC).

Which brings one to the critical question, how acceptable are the TMC and the Congress. to the Maoists, who are playing an increasingly assertive political role in the state. The answer is, Maoists have carefully distanced themselves both from the ruling formation or the opposition in the state, dealing with each on their own terms. Thus, they supported the opposition in the agitation against the small car factory at Singur or in Nandigram. But their leader, the ubiquitous Kishanji, has not shrunk from criticising TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee in harsh terms. “Mamata hardly knows what she is talking about …We know that at times there is no difference between the ruling LF and its opposition” are two of the kinder observations of Kishanji. As for the LF, he has said that so long as the rulers play fair in serving the interests of the tribals and the poor people of west Bengal, there will be no problems.

There can be no doubt that in an elective democracy like India's, there is simply no room for people like Kishanji or his outfit. But until the state seriously begins its war against such Maoist groups, it would do well to listen to the voice of the poor. (IPA)