Yet, when Modi became prime minister a year ago, the scene could not have been more propitious. The Congress and other opposition parties had been decimated at the national level and the BJP had won a majority of its own in the Lok Sabha, an achievement which had evaded the parties since Rajiv Gandhi’s phenomenal success in 1984.

Not only had the BJP secured a majority which was expected to make the passage of legislations easier, the party was also seen as enjoying the support of a large majority of people, especially the middle class, who had been enthused by Modi’s developmental agenda which promised jobs and signalled the end of the previous government’s policy paralysis.

But, the scene is less bright now. If no signs of progress are visible on the ground, as a BJP M.P. told a party meeting in the prime minister’s presence, suggesting that the awe with which Modi used to be regarded is disappearing, the reason is that there is a sense of uncertainty at the official and political levels about how to push ahead with the economic reforms.

As much was stated by a former BJP minister, Arun Shourie, when he said that the government was “directionless”, echoing his phrase of “kati patang” or a drifting kite which he had used about the BJP after its 2009 defeat. Evidently, the party tends to float aimlessly whether in or out of power.

It isn’t only a former minister who has criticised the BJP for lack of direction, the HDFC chairman, Deepak Parekh, has also said that the scene is no different from what it was when the Manmohan Singh government was in power.

So, what has gone wrong? For a start, the dearth of talent in the BJP which was highlighted by Arun Jaitley being put in charge of the two major portfolios of finance and defence for the first few months is undoubtedly responsible for the government’s faltering.

Although the former Goa chief minister, Manohar Parrikar, has now been made the defence minister, Jaitley still handles finance and corporate affairs along with the information and broadcasting ministry which is not an insignificant one at a time when the media is so active.

Railway minister Suresh Prabhu also has a reputation for being efficient, which is why he has been put in charge of a ministry which is expected to implement Modi’s dream of running bullet trains. But, like other aspects of development, it remains on paper.

Apart from these three, there are virtually no other senior persons on whom Modi can depend. Rajnath Singh may hold the home portfolio, but someone who was once called a provincial by Jaswant Singh (before his expulsion from the BJP) can hardly be expected to “sell” the BJP effectively. Hence, he is not among those like Jaitley, Ram Madhav, Nitin Gadkari and Ravi Shankar Prasad who are presenting the party’s case almost on a daily basis.

In addition to the paucity of talent, the absence of a sense of direction can also be seen from Jaitley’s admission that the government is still adhering to its predecessor’s policy allowing FDI in multi-brand retail although the BJP does not approve of it. Similarly, the government hasn’t revoked the nuclear deal although the BJP had opposed it in parliament in 2008.

At the same time, the government’s attempt to amend its predecessor’s land acquisition law has earned Modi the tag of being “anti-farmer” since the proposed changes favour the withdrawal of the consent clause from farmers for projects concerning defence, rural infrastructure, industrial corridors, etc.

If the opposition is trying cynically to stall Modi’s “make in India” plans by supporting the original version of the land law which makes the process of acquiring land for industrial projects inordinately difficult, the government has been equally cynical by imposing an information blackout by “failing” to appoint a central information commissioner, which has led to the piling up of the Right to Information petitions.

Moreover, considering that the government had assumed office with the promise of ensuring “minimum government and maximum governance”, the proposed real estate bill, which will enable the government to intervene in the deals between buyers and sellers of property, is an example of the state’s overreach. Another is the ban on beef by the Maharashtra government and its directive to multiplexes to screen Marathi films. Both the orders are intrusions into personal and commercial life.

For all of the Modi government’s travails, however, it still does not appear to face a major challenge because the remodelled Rahul Gandhi arouses more curiosity and amusement with his tirades than a conviction that the Congress has found an inspiring leader. The Janata “parivar”, too, has fallen down before it could stand up. Modi, therefore, can be said to be safely ensconced for the present. (IPA Service)