The hate campaign and mercenary attacks in some cases by the Hindu vigilantes may reinforce the notion that the saffron brigade is out to finish them, but behind this veneer lies a well-planned strategy of coercion and bullying, using the class contradictions to strengthen their communal base.

The RSS uses its band of vigilantes to accomplish its tasks. They are like the private militia used by the landed gentry, not answerable to the law. In the past they used to act under the banner of Bajrang Dal or some such organization. But now they act independently. Vigilantism has grown at a faster pace in last three-four years. The development of the Gau Rakshak movement is a candid example. The Sangh and the BJP have been using this platform to harass the minorities openly with the sole objective of satisfying the majoritarian feelings.

Maharashtra and Haryana, two states which have recently introduced new laws banning beef, are a case in point. In Maharashtra, the state government partly outsourced implementation of the beef ban to gau rakshaks. It created the post of “Honorary Animal Welfare Officer” and placed one such officer in each district. In Haryana, where the Gau Rakshak Dal claims to have 5,000 activists, gau rakshaks with hockey sticks patrol the 240-km highway between Chandigarh and Delhi, halting trucks they believe might be transporting beef or live cows. In UP too, the trait of cultural policing has been outsourced to the Hindu Yuva Vahini of chief minister Adityanath.

The Sangh and Hindutva brigade use vigilantism to coerce the Muslims and also inculcate a sense of security and belonging among the Hindus. Sangh is aware that it is a tough proposition to keep the Hindus tied to its pillar of Hindu chauvinism. With vigilantes perpetrating reign of terror and oppression, the state can present a façade of being the savior of the minorities and try to win them over. Modi has, in fact, been practicing this when he says the poor Muslims should be protected. The government and party should reach out to them. Incidentally the state cannot be held responsible for the violent actions of the vigilantes as has been in recent cases. The state has washed off its hands and described it purely as a law and order case. While in some cases social issues triggered the violence; a deeper insight into the clashes will unravel economic issues to be behind these troubles — land or business interests or political one-upmanship.

For the past five years, two issues have caught attention: one is the slogan of gharwapasi (reconversion of the Hindus converted to Muslim community) and the other slaughtering of cows and beef eating. These two might have provoked clashes at a few places but scratch the ground and the truth will come out; the current violent clashes have some old feud and rivalry behind them. An analysis of the clashes between the two communities would reveal that nearly 70 percent owe their origin to rivalry on land ownership. Inter-community marriage was a factor behind 4 to 5 per cent of the clashes. But political aspirations have been a significant cause as well.

The BJP is known to have resorted to arm twisting and terrorising Muslims in the past, but in the last couple of years it has made a significant shift by adopting a public posturing of ignoring the Muslims. While it worked to consolidate its Hindu support base it also sent a message to the Muslims that he party was not interested in providing protection to them against Hindu aggression. It is not without reason that after BJP government came to power in Delhi in 2014, the saffron brigade became more aggressive. A number of violent incidents took place. Some Muslims were killed on false and flimsy charges. Between 2010 and 2015, UP witnessed a five-fold increase in communal violence, and the polarisation was clearly evident.

Realising the vulnerability of the situation some Muslim leaders have started advocating the line of establishing ‘working relations’ with the BJP. Usually it is said that Muslims go for strategic voting in the elections. This is how it goes: Muslims pick a party or a leader and then back them against communal forces such as the BJP. For Muslims this perception was a major security threat and it had to be erased from the minds of the people. The exercise helped the BJP accomplish its goal. The 2017 assembly results are reminiscent of the 1991 elections, when support for the BJP grew three times, as its tally rose from 57 seats in 1989 to 221 seats, and Muslim representation fell by more than half, from 8.9% to 4.1%, the lowest in post-colonial India.

The BJP’s strategy of completely keeping Muslims out of its candidates list in the UP election was a shrewd move to further coerce and terrorise them. It was perceived as though BJP was not recognising their very existence. Muslims got scared of the impending political fallout; that not voting BJP may invite the wrath of fundamentalists. BJP has been claiming that its stand on triple talaq made Muslim women to vote for the party. But the fact was that they were too scared and worried about their safety in future.

The BJP has been pushing this issue for a long time now, talking about the rights of Muslim women in the hope of attracting the minority female vote, and helping them to conceal their coercive and oppressive actions. On the ground, however, there is little evidence to suggest that Muslim women voted en masse for the BJP. The party revealed its true intentions when it nominated Adityanath as chief minister. There are two implications of his installation; one, the vigilantes would be under check since he has the reputation of being a fundamentalist. In his hate speech he had asked for killing 100 Muslims for the murder of one Hindu.

In the past, secular parties such as the Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party and Congress had used the Muslim voter to counter the BJP. But this time the BJP succeeded in creating a ‘Hindutva-phobia’ among the Muslims. An analysis by the Election Commission shows that of the 42 Muslim-dominated constituencies, 32 were won by the BJP. In 2007, the BJP won just 6 of these 42 seats, and just 7 in the 2012 assembly elections. It means that the Hindus got together, polarised and voted en bloc for the BJP. Also, it helps the BJP to drive home the point among Hindus that Modi, as their leader, was trying to reform the Muslim community, which has not allowed equal opportunity and status to its women.

If the recent developments are any indication, it is certain that the BJP would in future pursue the policy of reaching out to the Muslims. The party has consolidated its Hindu votes; and now it needs the Muslim vote to continue in power. The saffron brigade, and especially Sangh, is aware of this brute fact. The party already fielded Muslim nominees to take on Mamata Banerjee’s TMC in the municipal elections. Only two months back the BJP had launched a war against Muslims in Bengal. But realizing the propensity of the situation it has turned soft to them. With Domkal and Pujali having a large Muslim population, the BJP has fielded 10 Muslim candidates in these two municipalities. (IPA Service)