Kumar has said that "social and educational backwardness", and not "economic backwardness", should be the basis to identify the beneficiaries of reservation in jobs and educational institutions. "Our Constitution also underlines the criterion of 'social and educational backwardness'," Kumar told emphatically.

But the very next day, his deputy Sushil Modi said the reservation should be accorded on the basis of “social and economic backwardness”. Modi, the public face of the stateBJP, usually does not go beyond the political lines of Nitish, but in this case he had to speak out his party’s political line.

Nitish Kumar has made it categorically clear that "social and educational backwardness", and not "economic backwardness", should be the basis to identify the beneficiaries of reservation in jobs and educational institutions. The implications are quite obvious. While Nitish tries to establish dialogue with his target groups, mahadalis and OBC, the BJP focuses on all the poor, including from the upper castes. For years, reservation to the economically backwards has been an agenda for debate in political circles. But the upper castes have been raising their voice for more equitable justice.

Modi also observed that had there been no reservation for the dalits in Lok Sabha and state assemblies, they would not have got representation in these bodies. Though society has undergone huge changes in the last 70-80 years, caste-based inequality still exists, said Modi at a function organised to celebrate the death anniversary of Ambedkar.

In the case of reservation in the private sector,Nitish said the criteria should be the same as that for government jobs, "social and educational backwardness", but Modi stuck to his party’s line.

Only a day earlier, Union agriculture minister and senior BJP leader Radha Mohan Singh made it clear that Nitish needed the BJP for being identified as an effective administrator. This is much against the desires of Nitish, who is often projected by his JD(U) colleagues as the best administrator and even prime minister material. The BJP intended to send the message that without the support of the party Nitish ceased to be an effective administrator.

Nevertheless, this comment from Singh did not go down well with Nitish's partymen. Addressing a meeting of the BJP's farmers' wing, Singh reminded the audience about the good work done between 2005 and 2013 and how the implementation of schemes slowed down or stopped between 2013 and 2017. Nitish was in alliance with the BJP from 2005 to 2013, and opposed to the BJP after that till he re-united with it this year.

Singh said, "Funds provided for implementation of organic farming scheme to Bihar in the years 2014-15, 2015-16 and 2016-17 remained unused. Now work is being done on this front in the state. Ironically no one from Bihar came to meet me during mahagathbandhan tenure. On the contrary, the present minister Prem Kumar has met me several times.” What was significant was Sushil Kumar Modi was on the dais while Singh was speaking. Modi did not say a word in defence of Nitish. However, later the JDU objected to Singh's comments.

Yet another issue that has been straining their relation is construction of only 400 houses till November this year under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (rural), as against a target of 35.54 lakh houses by 2022. The BJP leadership is not happy at the slow pace of work, which has turned them skeptical of achieving this fiscal's target of building 4.5 lakhs houses by March 2018. Under the housing scheme, beneficiaries are given Rs 1.20 lakh in three installments to build pucca houses. Not a single house has been built in Bhagalpur, Jehanabad, Kaimur, Katihar, Nalanda, Purnea and Sahara districts.

With the 2019 Lok Sabha elections staring at their faces, all political parties have joined the rat race of identifying with the aspiration of the dalits and mahadalits. While Nitish is targeting especially the dalit and mahadalit women voters, others are focusing on the entire community. In the process they have also been justifying the ideological and political line of Ambedkar. Recently, addressing a gathering of dalits, Sushil Modi recalled how the Nizam of Hyderabad and Christian missionaries had approached Ambedkar to adopt Islam and Christianity but Babasaheb refused. Modi explained "Ambedkar became a Buddhist. Buddhism and Jainism originated in India whereas Islam and Christianity originated in other countries. Buddhism, in fact, came up to reform the Hindu religion".

Dalits and OBC sections have been with the RJD and CPI(ML)-Liberation though Nitish has been desperately striving to reach out to them. In the assembly election of 2010, he had managed to get the votes of dalit women, but there is no guarantee that the same thing would be repeated again in 2019. In view of the recent political developments and Nitish joining hands with the BJP, the left inclined, politically conscious dalits are in no mood to rally behind him. In fact, during his latest vikas yatra (development rally) Nitish had to face many awkward questions from them about the concept of women empowerment and growth. (IPA Service)