No one was wiser than of the nature of governance though the top brass both in the Sangh Parivar and the party were uneasy that Narendra Modi had sought the verdict for the Modi government. The protest over the posters that said, this time, Modi government had no effect on him to direct the necessary changes. There were other indications as well that suggested that the Prime Minister would retain powers in his hand and would not allow dilution as his predecessors in the coalition governments had done or had to do.

NaMo had successfully drawn other sections of society to provide their attention to his main slogan – ‘cooperation from all for development of all’. His appeal was not confined to the traditional vote bank of the party. He had also reduced to the bottom the much tried but failed agenda of the BJP. In the unprecedented numbers he won in the Uttar Pradesh assembly polls last year he had not only stunned his opponents but also his colleagues by garnering votes for the party candidates in predominantly Muslim localities. The former chief minister Mayavati was stupefied that he could garner even the Muslim votes for his party.

The impact was that NaMo was dragging in the Muslims in the political main stream that went against the belief that had driven for nine decades to establish that the Muslims cannot be Indians since they followed the denomination that had no Indian origins. The outcome of the UP elections was a signal to revive the concept to spur public sentiments in that direction. It did not sink in these minds that the concept was founded on impracticality. India cannot reduce 15 per cent of her populace to subordinate citizens as it would be invitation to throw out of order every activity. They cannot be pushed into sea nor can be forced to migrate. It was inheritance of 1100 years.

Yet basically they are people seeped into Indian culture for so long duration so much that they have even transformed the basic Islamic societal structure as they had carried, their culture, their caste, their vocation, their apparels, their dialects and also their pride for their provinciality with them to affect the social structure ordained in Islam. Only Indian Muslims have caste system like their counterparts in the majority community. In fact they are able to have social and economic interactions with their Hindu caste equals in the same vocation. They cannot hope to have access to families on higher rungs in social ladder in their own community. They are condemned as meat eaters. It is overlooked that among the Other Backward Classes, the Dalit or Tribal, meat eating is not prohibitive. They don’t eat meat on daily basis because they cannot meet the costs. No religion prescribes the daily diet of meat. It depends on habit apart from on social and climatic conditions.

The purpose of unleashing the hoard of messages that indicates a new drive to take India backwards, and cannot be to mobilize voters in favour of the BJP or even the Prime Minister Narendra Modi who aroused the Indian youth in the last election to expect a new economic regime that would bring comforts of a better economic future. The impact of propaganda on religious line was bound to be a great disaster as it was sure to disenchant the deprived and the Dalits also. The past experience is too loud for them to ignore the meaning of revival of the Hindu Rashtra. They constitute an overwhelming majority.

Only through shifting of the central theme from the religion centric to the economy centric in the last election campaign, NaMo had succeeded in bringing the other classes to vote for the BJP symbol. The vote was for the Modi government and not for the party government. NaMo maintained it by refusing to give in to pressures for shifting back to the religion centric politics. He did not alter his toilets over the temple priority.

His winning a clear verdict for the BJP symbol had sent the middle class going agog with expectation of arrival of their era. NaMo was treated as a model for worship till his policy measures began to hit them harder. In two years he earned their hatred rather than their accolades as the shift in his policy measures became evident, at least in their losses, to them. They began their dismay not on their sleeve but poured it out with their abusive verbiage. Many construed that he was building his own vote base at the cost of the traditional vote base. His unbelievable performance in the UP assembly elections, as others had given up hopes of even second position in the assembly, confirmed fears in the camp that he had successfully cultivated a new vote bank. It engulfed also the Muslim women by fanning the oral talaq issue as their liberation in his vote bank.

The trend of fanatic messages to redefine the character of Indian nation with messages declaring pride in being Hindu began soon after the UP elections and gained crescendo by the year end. The fanatics broke their silence to fan feelings of being the Hindu as the next elections were drawing closer and the Prime Minister indicating his intents to go in for early polls along with three BJP ruled states by the year end. There are clear indications of intense internal struggle within the BJP campus. Wonder is, the Prime Minister has not initiated an action against the campaign that cuts in roots of his plans to return to power corridors once again. It must be noted that four partners in NDA have clearly indicated their dismay over the main partner’s design to grab their territory. Hopes of repeat performance in UP, Bihar, Himachal, Uttarakhand, Haryana, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh grabbing all but 22 seats cannot be expected in the next elections. Scenario does not hold out high hopes unless NaMo makes a surprise move. The Hindutva campaign has laid the grounds for him to make a move. Next few months may see several volcanic eruptions in Indian politics.