It was confidential exercise only for the Sangh chief and his immediate office bearers. It is difficult to know of reactions of the chief but nothing remains when information is shared between more than two persons. The results as they trickle out of survey, meant only for few eyes as such without need of fabrication of results indicate that the NDA may end up with 182 seats with share of the BJP of 142 seats while the UPA may bag 216 seats. Obviously others may get 145 seats. The balance is thus loaded against the return of the BJP in the saddle.

The Prime Minister Narendra Modi continues to assure with full confidence his urban supporters that he was slated to return with the better numbers than he had won in the previous election. His confidence is his dire need to maintain higher morale of his supporters. The question is whether his support base of urban middle class youth can convert itself into an effective election machinery to inspire rural voters to reach the polling booths to vote for their chosen and preferred leader. The BJP as a party has been defunct by his own preference of sidelining the party in mass contact and depending on the communication modes of television and radio for five years.

Even though the Sangh chief maintains its claim of least interest in politics, it had never relaxed its hold over its political wing the Bharatiya Jan Sangh that was formed on insistence of Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee. He had resigned from the union cabinet after the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru signed the Pact with the Pakistan Prime Minister ignoring pleas of SP Mukherjee as retaliation to atrocities on the Hindu population in the Eastern wing that forced a great exodus from East Pakistan in February 1951. Mukherjee had hard time to convince the new Sangh chief Guru Golwalakar to be associated with the political organ that Mukherjee was planning to set up to fight for the Hindu cause. His dependence on former rulers, dissatisfied with their plight caused by attitude of the Nehru regime, proved to be an electoral disaster in 1952, first election in the Republic of India. From 1954 to 1966 its new president Deen Dayal Upadhyaya, working under direct supervision did not allow expansion to induct other than believers in the Hindu cause. In 1966 Atal Behari Vajpayee argued and won that the party cannot remain untouchable by others by maintaining the rigidity in its posture.

After the emergency it was further realized that the Jan Sangh cannot be winner alone. Hence it was merged into the Janata Party. But it could not get assimilated in the main political current as the top leaders maintained the national posture while the state units preferred to go by dictates of the Sangh aims and objectives. The Sangh would not relent was made obvious by its withdrawal of support to the BJP launched as an alternate secular force to the Congress. The lack of party cadre in the new party became a disaster as reflected in the 1984 Lok Sabha elections and 1986 Kashmir assembly elections. The Party was forced to surrender and accept dominance of the Sangh. It was yet a clear indication of interest of the Sangh in the national political arena.

The surprising event was the failure of the Vajpayee government to win back power despite its scintillating performance for six years before the 2004 elections. The Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi won the immense popularity with his address to young college students of Shri Ram College in July 2013. “Half water filled glass can never be and should never be described as half empty as other half is filled with life giving air.” It was an innovative concept to look at life that helped Modi to fill in the vacuum on the national stage and growing frenzy to put him in charge of leading the BJP in 2014 election. Discarding the controversial BJP agenda and bringing in focus the promise of converting India into an economic power, he won hearts and heads of most young. He had delivered a miracle. But that also ended the run of the Sangh dominated party. It could not run back to the Sangh dictated philosophy as its principal objective. NaMo spoke of Mahatma Gandhi and relevance of his principles for growth of a just society. He had begun even to pull down the barriers of biases that separated Indians on the basis of their separate religions. He refused to respond to demands on his regime to turn back to the BJP agenda and maintained complete indifference to demands made on him.

Even after he was not allowed to win the caste dominated mind sets of young in the Bihar assembly elections, he refused to toe the lines dictated to him. Apparently he was eager to earn his fame and place in the world history as a leader who brought India to be recognized as the super economic power with millions of Indians maintaining the run of wheels to sustain growth patterns and needs of several developed and developing nations. He perceived the Indian glory in future achievements and not in her past. This indicates wide difference that seems beyond possibility of surmounting. It would and should make the Sangh happy to see what its private survey indicates. But then surveys fabricated or not have habitually gone wrong.

Many would sense this perspective separates NaMo from the kind of politics that developed in five years. A crude tendency has got introduced to not meet the opposite point of view with an effective and convincing logic but it is condemned as anti national. Except the BJP opinion, every other view, everyone is painted as anti national. Modi did not start it but got soaked in it. And that marks him a failed politician.