The Congress received severe jolt in 1967 with loss of power in five states and it reduced to a razor thin margin in the Lok Sabha. Marathon debates produced new programme for its rejuvenation. However, Indira Gandhi was planning differently, merely her consolidation than rejuvenation of the party. Her politics even led to first vertical split of the 94 year old party. The division was to eliminate those elements that did not depend on power for their politics but survived on their own base and appeal. Second split in 1978 eliminated even those loyal to her but with their independent base. Since 1972, she was nominating weaklings to various positions in the party so none could or would challenge her supreme authority. All forums in the party were converted into a stage for display of loyalty to her than occasions for open debates to analyse causes of decline. Her mistrust had not allowed anyone else to directly wield authority on party affairs by combining dual responsibility of the party and governance into one. In her method of party operation due to her insecurity complex, the party declined.
On her return to power in 1980, she did realize her mistakes but she had to battle alone with complex problems of growing troubles in Kashmir, secessionist movement in Punjab and communalism in Assam. The Anandpur Sahib Resolution seeking secession from India brought record number of seats to Rajiv Gandhi in the 1984 election but not political wisdom. His loss of 160 seats was the price he paid for condemning his party as bunch of power brokers in his presidential address to the Centenary Party session. Bigger folly was to overthrow coalition government led by Chandra Shekhar under the belief that the country was ready to have him back in the seat of power. His assassination added 50 seats. He would have ended up with 162 seats as the election surveys then confirmed. Bunch of Congress leaders led by Arjun Singh offered the party on platter to Sonia Gandhi as if the party was serfdom of the Gandhi family. It was the last straw and she refused to clutch it though came out after six years to take it over.
Five elections proved beyond doubt that the party was not the family serfdom as she had continued to be misled by same set of advisers who weakened the party structure even further in their anxiety to secure their positions. After each defeat in state elections, the state units, although appointed by her were held responsible for the defeat without immediate correctives in other states to strengthen the unit leadership structures. Sonia Gandhi had to accept in 2002 that the party was no more the national party and would depend on the state parties to stage a comeback. 2004 election was fought to confirm the reality by winning to lead the coalition in power. But she failed to organize a session of free debate to comprehend why her party was reduced to mere 44 seats in 2014 from 206 it had won in 2009? Why the party was wiped out completely in states where it faced the NaMo steam roller alone?
Narendra Modi had forced the drastic renovation in base of the Bharatiya Janata Party for the 2014 election by shifting it from promise of construction of Ram Temple, imposition of uniform civil code and abolition of Article 370 from the Indian Constitution to win over young generation with promise of a better future. He had shifted attention from glorious past to alluring future and yet he failed to make inroads in minds of young of six states. The BJP had not been able to reach them in its earlier form also as general belief that prevails in the South and East is that the party is of, for and by the Brahmins of North India. Its intense demand for the temple only goes to further cement this belief. It stands in the path of the party of becoming a party of entire India.
Without clarifying the economic philosophy that the BJP would follow for the next five years, the Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched the campaign in 2019 elections with vague and illusory references to achievements of punitive actions against Pakistan. He had launched his campaign in the last election on the promise of rapid economic growth but was forced to abandon his ideas midway. The second half of his term is nothing but epic of economic miseries, not only in rural areas but also in urban areas with unemployment reaching staggering level to record 45 years high. Rupee declined each week for the last two years in relation to dollar and the World Bank downgrading the Indian economy from developing into undeveloped. There is no measure to boast about. The party cannot stake its claim to be a national party without ability to comprehend its economic structure.
The rural folks were aggrieved as no attention was paid to redress their deteriorating life conditions. The city folks also did not get much except pious declarations and orations. It was apparent that the party cannot re-enact its performance to sweep several states. Its influence in states where it had performed poorly in the last election cannot enhance to give it better results. Thus its aspirations to be the only national party may remain only a day dream. It opens up the political arena to once again play a pivotal political role to the regionally strong and consolidated caste and class based entities to push India back to politics of coalition that was the order of the past quarter century.
INDIA
DANGEROUS POLITICAL FORMULAE AND THE IDEA OF THIRD FRONT AGAIN
Vijay Sanghvi - 2019-04-11 04:45
The very idea of formation of a third front after the election is a matter of concern as it reflects on shortcoming of two national parties in promoting national integrity and coherence. It only exposes inability of the Congress to reach back its geographic coverage and its social reach. At the same time it also exposes inability of the second national party BJP to extend its reach in several states. Both the parties have been at the throat of each other since first election in 1952 but the Jan Sangh could not enhance its reach yond 7 percent in illiterate electorate with higher dependence on divine mercies.