There is no justification for why I failed to see through except in admission that my traditional reading of the electoral process did not allow me to believe two senior media persons Arathi Jerath and Anil Maheshwari of their impressions in their visits to neighbouring areas. They discerned clearly pro-Modi trends. I did not believe them for my traditional belief said you cannot win without a forceful mantra to capture minds of masses. I did realize but only after the results shattered my readings that education can and does change responses.

Even the last election results clearly indicated that voters were not greedy or willing to accept charity. NaMo had clearly taken a stand no charity in his regime. Every service would need to be paid for. He got 283 seats while Sonia Gandhi could get only 44 even after promise of two programmes to feed consumption needs with cost to the exchequer of Rs. 2,00,000 crore minimum. Similar was fate of proposed charity of Rs.3.60 lakh crore by her son in this election. In a bid to lure 20 per cent poor voters he could not visualize impact on eighty per cent others and paid heavy price for his inability to see the change that increased literacy has brought about.

Another of my firm belief was shattered. The consolidation of OBC groups into a single political unit has given the control of power corridors to them in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar since 1990. After unity of Akhilesh and Mayavati that is combination of OBC and Dalit with the Muslims staying with them, I believed that NaMo will not be able to penetrate their consolidation. Yet he had done it in the last election by winning 104 of 120 seats, 94 for himself and 10 for his allies. The education has brought the young of the economically weaker sections out of their class barricades to perceive their future differently. Again I misread the transformation of attitude of poor section as spread of education indicated. I have often commented on the change in mentality of poor sections who were leading their children to school gate than forcing them to join the child labour force to augment the family income. This is major psychological change but I did not apply it to the voting pattern.

It also reveals why NaMo subordinated the party to his personality in both the election. He got over the prejudices from which the party had suffered in the past and was unable to reach the requisite numbers to form the government on its own. That also explains his use of only the election symbol and nothing more, and not even the controversial issues re-imposed in the election agenda. His priority of toilets before the temple was the winner as it touched life of everyone. He is astute enough to realize that the temple promise would touch only upper class and not move the population that had remained socially, economically and education wise far behind. These classes were for centuries denied access to existing temples.

The political leader with ambitions to lead the people in different direction needs to have ability to read the body language of his/her audiences. In one analytical piece I did mention ire of Indira Gandhi in the 1977 elections campaign over attempt to mislead her in Bihar. From it I believed that mere attacks on his political opponents to condemn them as epitome of corruption, NaMo was expressing his disgust only as the thought of his defeat. He has nothing to offer to build new expectations a he had failed to deliver his promise in the last election.

Results of eight bye-elections to the Lok Sabha and seven state assembly elections also contributed to belief that NaMo was also conceding his defeat. I did argue that the bye-elections generally do not reflect the trends in main elections but similar pattern in four different states and all under the BJP rule was something I could not overlook. Little did help me to understand that NaMo was not reading the body language of his audience but conveying a clear message that he also did not like but intensely disliked the class led politics. He did not share politics by, of and for the classes as he belonged to masses. He had grown in politics after selling tea to rail travelers by the ordinary classes. He often mentioned his readiness to take punishment if he did anything wrong in promoting interests of masses. His over emphasis on corruption was also a game to defame the upper class as it was the only part of nation that needed, indulged in and benefitted from corrupt practices for its comfort.

NaMo demolished several barricades that had in the past kept out the large portion of Indian population from deriving benefits that accrued from political liberation of India 70 years ago. But expanding education and tremendous improvement in literacy has also brought in not only ambitions for better life but also realization that that class politics would not deliver them. It can come only if the class rule is ended. That is why traditional concepts would mislead in reading the outcomes. Anil Maheshwari often told me that I overestimated influence and strength of the Sangh Parivar. My only contention is that the institute would not easily give up breathing mischief even if it was 94 year old. It has potential of mischief even though it can change politics or arouse passions in masses.