The acid tongue in the commentary indicts the Indian PM Narendra Modi’s decision not to invite Imran to the swearing in ceremony. Skipping of the traditional practice of the welcome gesture in inviting neighbouring countries, the so-called diplomatic invitations to the sovereign states belonging to the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) - Bangladesh, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Nepal and Bhutan- and exclusion of the South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) together reflect ‘medieval naivety lacking statesmanship’, according to Pak diplomats.

Islamabad Policy Institute in its ‘Preliminary Assessment: Indian Lok Sabha Elections 2019’ expressed pessimism about possibilities of improvement in Pak-India relationships. “An immediate breakthrough in relations with Pakistan appears very unlikely. It is anticipated that the BJP government in the second tenure would adopt a more aggressive posture towards Pakistan, because of its belief that it was ultimately its anti-Pakistani credentials that earned it another term despite poor performance over the past years”. The IPI anticipates that” BJP may be emboldened by the electoral victory to fan the fires of religious hate and jingoism, knowing that this appeals to party’s hard core supporters.” It stated bluntly that the Modi government would not evince interest in revival of the SAARC and instead might incline towards the ASEAN countries.

Significantly, the Prime Minister of Nepal KP Sharma Oli and presently the SAARC chair stated in New Delhi "I don't want to talk about regional and other issues. But, as the chair, Nepal wants to revive SAARC and make it effective again. Developing relations in the region is better than anything else." He was among the foreign invitees at the swearing-in ceremony. The Sri Lankan President Sirisena endorsed the Nepalese PM’ stand, "Both BIMSTEC and SAARC are significant organisations. It’s very important that countries cooperate in terms of mutual friendship and cooperation." The two foreign dignitaries made thus metaphorically conveyed to Modi government that non-invite to Islamabad were stripped of broader diplomatic etiquette.

But there is no denying that the democrats – especially peacenics- in Pakistan thought wishfully that the BJP would not return to power this time, rightly stated Fahd Humayun in Foreign Policy, “Modi has painted Pakistan less as a strategic opponent and more as a threat to civilization. He has played to nationalist sentiment, threatening to teach Pakistan a lesson including by diverting water away from the water-insecure nation” For the average Pakistanis, continuation of hostility from the Indian side will not be reversed if the BJP rules India after May 2019. “The difference between today’s India and yesterday’s is palpable. Politicians and pundits stoke nationalism by selling low-intensity conflict with Pakistan as an absorbable short-term cost. The media, in particular, profits from cross-border violence by finding creative new ways to win viewers. In turn, public opinion has shifted.

According to Pew, whereas 54 percent of Indians held very unfavorable views of Pakistan in 2013, 64 per cent did by 2017”, added Humayun. In striking contrast to Modi, the image of Atal Bihari Vajpayee remains glittering for his genuine effort for creating a milieu of good neighbourhood during the latter’s prime ministership. A journalist with the Express Tribune twitted after his death “Indeed Atal sahib was a great statesman, and it was during his govt that Pakistan and India last came close to actual peace! May he RIP!”

Former US Ambassador to Pakistan and Islamabad and presently senior policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars William Millam, noted anti-Muslim rhetoric of the election campaign of Modi and concluded, “The truth is that Mr Modi holds the fate of the sub-continent in his hands after his smashing victory in India. Will he imitate Vajpayee or Trump”?(IPA Service)