From launching the disinformation campaign against Corbyn on terrorist act to instigating the rich people to question the future prospect of the country under him, Boris has been using all machination to spearhead campaign against him and win the election.

The intensity of the crisis facing the Conservatives could be assessed from the nature of the disinformation campaign launched by Boris. He even did not deter from taking the disinformation campaign to the BBC on Sunday with bafflement and lies designed to blunt any interrogation in the London Bridge terror attack case. Boris is scared of the leftist Corbyn.

It is really surprising that the rich people who enjoyed and relished the rule of Boris, are scared of the political prospective of Corbyn ruling Britain. The super-rich are preparing to immediately leave the UK if Jeremy Corbyn becomes prime minister, fearing they will lose money power and the country as the Labour leader will “go after” the wealthy elite with new taxes, possible capital controls and a clampdown on private schools.

Corbyn has also repeatedly underlined his determination to take on big business, deliberately putting himself on the side of “the many”, against “the most powerful people in Britain”.

Labour’s 2019 general election manifesto, launched by Jeremy Corbyn, is its most radical in more than 35 years. It strikes a chord with millions who want categorical change in Britain. The chord will be loudest with those who have seen life chances stall and fracture and communities weaken. It will ring out, too, for those who want inequality reversed, taxes increased to renew public services and the climate crisis placed at the centre of public policy.

The Britain that Corbyn and his supporters are imagining is a leftwing form of social democracy for which, with relatively few changes of policy, it might have stood at various times between 1945 and 1983. Corbyn is explicit that he wants to roll back the deregulatory revolution of the 1980s and restore tax and spend, national provision of social goods, and the state-managed sector – issues that were bedrocks of the postwar economic settlement – to the heart of public policy from which Margaret Thatcher expelled them. He wants to see the forward march of labour, which was halted in those years, resumed.

Nevertheless the UK is in the threshold of the 2020s, not the 1970s. The single most consequential thing that will be decided on December 12 is the enormity of Brexit, which will shape everything else that, any new government, Labour or not, attempts in the new decade. Corbyn’s Brexit offer is ambiguous and it would create problems for Boris. Apparently Labour appears to be badly harmed by his evasion but it is not the fact. More than Brexit it is the political and economic issues that has been attracting the attention of the voters.

Corbyn is ambiguous in his trade union agenda. No doubt the employees absolutely need a stronger voice in their workplaces and over their terms and conditions but it is also imperative that the leadership ought to be pragmatic. A dogmatic attitude and approach is often not in the interest of the employees. Jeremy is for promoting industry.

Corbyn has urged the public to vote for his “manifesto of hope” as he unveiled plans for the most dramatic increase in tax and spending in more than half a century if Labour wins power next month’s general election. In an upbeat launch event at Birmingham City University, the Labour leader said he welcomed the hostility of the billionaires, bad bosses and dodgy landlords who would lose out from his policies.

The Conservatives have dismissed Labour’s claims about the risk of privatisation of the health service as scaremongering, but Tory candidates say the idea has been resonating with voters and is beginning to crop up spontaneously during canvassing.

Boris Johnson has been accused of twisting the facts of the London Bridge terror attack in a “distasteful” attempt to turn it into an election issue. Despite the victim’s family members pleading not to use the death of their son, Johnson claimed that “a leftie government” was responsible for Usman Khan being freed. The family of Jack Merritt had called for not to exploit the murder of “our beautiful, talented boy” for political gain. But sad enough Boris refused to respect their sentiment.

In fact killer Khan was released under license a year ago, seven years into a jail term imposed for taking part in an al-Qaida-inspired bomb plot. But the fact has been otherwise. The reality of the case is more complex. Khan was jailed in 2012 under an indeterminate public protection (IPP) sentence, a system scrapped under the Conservative-led government the same year. An appeal in 2013 resulted in the sentence being replaced by one of 16 years, and he was freed after serving just under half of that.

Johnson, because he is prime minister, has better access to the details of the case of Usman Khan. Obviously it is expected of him that he should place true and correct fact before the Britons.

The contrast between Labour’s 2019 manifesto and the platform on which Tony Blair fought and won the 1997 general election could hardly be starker. Under Blair, Labour accepted the broad thrust of market reforms introduced by the Conservatives in the previous 18 years. It used means testing to target financial support to those deemed to need it most. And it spent its first two years in office sticking to the Major government’s tough spending plans because it thought economic credibility came first. (IPA Service)