He has taken full charge under a special mandate. His delegated authority has given him unusual powers. And he is using these to pronounce his party's policies and programmes and the organisational reforms without a debate within the concerned party forums.

The range of reforms he has initiated clearly marks a departure from the Advani era concepts which his immediate predecessor Rajnath Singh too had followed. Throughout the past two months, Gadkari has been emphasising how he will lift the BJP from the old mores and rebuild the organisation from the grassroots. He has given at least three dozen question-answer interviews dealing with almost everything under the sun, leaving little new points even for his presidential address at the forthcoming national council. This has already given enough grist to those who resent intrusion of what they feel 'outsiders'.

Thus a curious situation is emerging wherein an incumbent president has come under hushed barbs for his unilateral proclamations even before his formal coronation. Those who cannot reconcile to the changes see Gadkari more as a Murli Manohar Joshi, who unlike a status quoist Rajnath Singh, had as party chief put forth a political as well as organisational alternative to the Advani model. Joshi's emphasis was more on activating the party cadre through a series of agitational programmes. For instance, there was visible glee in the rival camp when Joshi had failed to hoist the national flag at Lal Chowk in Srinagar after the conclusion of his mass awareness yatra. When the government put up barricades to thwart Joshi's mega rally at Boat Club, the same sections extended silent support to Rajesh Pilot (that was the last political rally at the Boat Club-India Gate complex).

The present resistance to Gadkari's pro-poor programmes and move for repackaging the BJP comes from the same sections. At the moment, it is purely a murmour campaign with suggestive jibes. This was how they began it against Joshi in early 90s. In Gadkari's case, he is yet to settle down with his full team after the council session. True, the known faces within cannot be seen as being non-cooperative with the new chief. So the in-house cynics are waiting for the false steps and whiling away time. However, the new party chief has so far been extremely careful in dealing with the present occupants of the fort.

With all his flamboyant style and unilateral proclamations about the policy shifts, Gadkari seems unaware of the silent smear campaign. He has kept up the every one-on-board promise by seeking participation of others in all actions. He called a conference of the BJP's finance ministers. Though it was virtually a non-event without serious discussions on any crucial issue, he ensured the presence of the leaders from Advani to Joshi. This has not been the practice during the Advani era. He did not disturb the present equilibrium at the Centre when he retained the main Advani accolades in the parliamentary party. He has readily agreed to extend patriarch's status to Advani by making him its chairman.

For his pro-poor projects, the first step will be the launching of an Antyodaya programme at the all-India level. While details of the projects are still being worked out by his aides like Vinay Sahasrabuddhe, Advani will be the person to inaugurate it on February 12, birthday of the late Deendayal Upadhyaya who had first invented the idea. This will silence, at least for the time being, those who are critical of the new president's 'idealistic' approach. Yet the criticism is sharp. The old Advani wiz kids, now orphaned, argue that Gadkari's ideas are as out of date as those of Murli Manohar Joshi. You cannot run a modern political party on Gandhian idealism or like an NGO.

His insistence on BJP workers undertaking pro-poor social work in every assembly constituency - 'seva prakalp' - falls under this category. It is one thing to endear the BJP to the people and thus improve its appeal among the neglected sections of voters. But it is foolhardy to presume that the success of social schemes will automatically ensure support of even the beneficiaries. Post-liberalisation voters, they argue, have become smart enough to weigh different factors. In electoral politics, what really matters is the image. Therefore, they warn against too much emphasis on social service and pro-poor initiatives, individually or under the party.

The skepticism is more pronounced on Gadkari's plans for professionalizing party management and things like introducing the concept of accountability. In this regard, he had also praised Rahul Gandhi's initiatives. But Rahul's parent party itself has found such ideas unsuitable. Instead, the Congress will conduct its organisational elections as per the old, time-tested system. Management concepts like performance audit and incentives for good work can work in business organisations. Should we set up HR divisions in BJP to assess and reward the workers? In a highly competitive election environ, even 'merit' will not work while fixing candidates. Winnability does. Thus goes the hushed taunts.

Does Gadkari really mean what he says when he talks about reaching out to minorities? How can he do it when all such genuine efforts were consistently frustrated by the VHP hardliners throughout the NDA rule? Wiz kids of the old order are curiously watching how the Gadkari establishment tackles this age-old enigma of the BJP. The incumbent president's repeated claim of being a 'development man' is another subject that has evoked derision among the old boys. It is one thing to take to development programmes while in government. But what can the BJP, as an opposition party, do other than extending constructive support to such initiatives?

Outside the Parivar, there is lot of interest in Gadkari's economic perspectives and ideas. He talks of cultural and economic nationalism and throws hints at his inclination for Swadeshi ideals of the pre-1998 BJP. This clearly clashes with Narendra Modi's high-tech liberalisation. But some of Gadkari's aides with a Swadeshi tilt have broached the idea of reworking the old Datopant Thengdi theme on the basis of the post-meltdown course correction. Even if this works out, the new BJP will have to grapple with the complex issue of winning over the corporate support. (IPA Service)