More surprising was that senior political analysts did not discern the trends inherent in the election campaign for the 2014 elections, in five years of the first term NaMo regime, or even in recent public utterances of the Prime Minister. He had not missed a single opportunity to pass by him to indicate that he fought both the 2014 and 2019 elections for his government and not for the party rule. After delivering 325 seats out of 403 of the Uttar Pradesh Assembly in 2017 elections, he had undertaken the road shows in five major cities.

In none of them he allowed the local big wigs of the party to share the space in his open drives through main thoroughfares. Except use of the old election symbol of lotus, his electoral battles or the campaign material had not even traces of the party. No political analyst commented on its significance though I have often mentioned the facts in my political postulates.

In conversation with intellectuals at Varanasi on January 24, 2015, Mohan Bhagwat asserted that people voted a majority for the Bharatiya Janata Party on the Ram Mandir issue. It was perhaps an attempt to deny the credit to NaMo for the clear mandate and claim it to be victory of the party and Modi was merely floating on the tide of and for the BJP. NaMo preferred silence and also refrained from action on the temple issue.

The Sangh was established in 1925 to counter efforts of Mahatma Gandhi to arouse consciousness of the lower categories of Indian society to aspire for political freedom. His efforts would demolish the old class and caste based social construct was the fear of the upper castes. For fifty years, the Sangh had refused to recognize the contribution of Mahatma Gandhi to involve all Indians of different classes, castes, denominations in freedom struggle and attain the freedom. In the social media, many fanatics hail Nathuram Godse for assassinating Mahatma Gandhi as the great heroic achievement.

Narendra Modi had indicated from October 2013, within two days after the Sangh endorsed his role in leading the Bharatiya Janata Party in the 2014 electoral battle, that priorities of his regime would be based on the Gandhian Path. His priority would be to cleanse the Indian living and habits before devoting attention to religious matters. On becoming the Prime Minister his first major campaign was to cleanse streets and surroundings in villages by cultivating habits in Indians to use closed space for their toilets. He aroused Indian youth to realize its potential of working in any part of the world by acquisition of basic skills through training. He could see the great advantage India has because India has 65 per cent in her population below the age of 35 years. Rest of world had larger proportions of advanced age humans causing unbridgeable deficit of young hands to keep their machines rolling. The average age of their labour forces had crossed 52 years while Indian average was 27 years with large numbers suffering from lack of employment opportunities.

In a sense the adopted approach of NaMo for governance did not fall in categories he had learnt as trainee for two decades in the Sangh teachings. His open espousing of the Gandhian path was the most irritating aspect for the Hindu fanatics. But more dangerous from the Sangh stand point was his emphasis and efforts for acceleration of economic growth. The historical experience taught the danger of religion getting reduced to irrelevance with attention of young pushed away to their economics with their efforts and not depending on as gifts from God. Efforts to contain his enthusiasm were launched in 2015 when he sought to convert minds of young Other Backward Classes and Dalits to give up their dependence on old practices of depending on few crumbs thrown at them. He had won them in two major Hindi states under the OBC rule for two decades, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh in the 2014 election. HIs victory in the Bihar assembly polls would have confirmed it. The defeat in the Bihar assembly polls slowed him down though he did not abandon his Gandhian path pursuit.

He delivered the concrete evidence of effectiveness of his approach with astounding victory in the UP assembly polls in 2017 when most BJP leaders were not even sure of the party emerging as the main opposition. The BJP lost power in three states before 2019 elections to the Lok Sabha. The party could not win a clear mandate in any of the recent state polls except in Gujarat. The victory in the 2019 election with 20 seats added to earlier tally was yet another political miracle as the regime had nothing, any achievement or plus point to impress voters, and yet he won a clear mandate.

He certainly refused to treat the Muslim population on same scales that the Sangh followers use. The Sangh is not happy that he refused to be dictated by its philosophy. On the contrary he provided enough evidence of his reverence for Mahatma Gandhi by touching with a bow same spot on the platform on the railway station where Mahatma Gandhi was flung off the train for his insistence to travel by the class reserved for white skin passengers. The gesture was the provocation for the fanatics of the religion to bray to ensure his ouster. They have already begun to name his successor as viral messages on social media by the group indicate. The loss of power in six states and inability of even Narendra Modi to scale barricades in non-Hindi states under the strong base regional parties indicate that in two elections, the BJP symbol could win only when he kept the original agenda aside.