The main props used by him after the swearing in did not tally with the known political and economic philosophy of the party. He was in hurry to expedite the growth rate by inducing not only foreign investments but also production processes come to India. He was keen on converting the educated but unemployed youth of India into exportable commodity. Most developed nations are suffering from heavy deficit of young working hands as their labour forces are old and near the retirement age. With appropriate training in skills educated young Indians can find jobs to keep the wheels of economies in developed nations.

China is only nation that surpasses India in dense population. India enjoys the advantage of young while China burdened with load of 479 million old persons above the age of 63 years. India has to bear burden of only 80 million old above 63 years in age and incapable of physical strength.

The Prime Minister was keen to reform the administrative and legal structure to ease the setting up of new production units with foreign capital and imported production mechanisms. His efforts met with resistance from within. Three front shops of the Sangh opposed his reform agenda. He was able to bypass the political resistance of the opposition by taking route of ordinances but could not cut through opposition from the Sangh Parivar. Even though he won the majority for the Lotus symbol after 14 failures of the symbol to be in position to form its government, he did not enjoy the personal majority within the parliamentary party. The message was even louder after his efforts to break the hold of the OBCs and the Dalit in the Bihar power structure in 2015 through assembly polls were frustrated through political manipulations. NaMo accepted his defeat and ceased his efforts to expedite the economic growth as he had promised to the electorate.

He was compelled to give up his efforts to realize the dream of the great leader Atal Behari Vajpayee to improve India-Pakistan relations so that both could have better economic growth. He adopted hostile attitude but also delivered his first harsh economic step through demonetization. The Sangh Parivar adopted mute response though three pronged objectives for the harsh measure were in tune with the Sangh philosophy. The silence was reflection of its unstated displeasure as the step hurt the economic interests of the urban middle class, traditional vote bank of the party.

The BJP could not make dent in states that had not come under its rule since 2011 but had lost power in six states and was defeated in by-elections to seven of eight Lok Sabha seats in 2018-2019. It led the Sangh to conclude he might not win the 2019 election. But NaMo performed the political miracle by delivering 325 of 403 seats in the U.P. assembly polls in 2017 and improving his tally in the Lok Sabha in 2019. NaMo had once again proved he was indispensible political personality for the party though it may not like him. He proved conclusively that without him the party cannot reach inside the power corridors.
Yet the most surprising were his moves in the first six months of his second term regime, to implement three controversial measures that were identification marks of the Sangh dominated BJP. It was as surprising as he had relegated those issues to the bottom of the agenda for the 2014 election and allowed them central placement for the 2019 election but without referring to them even once as main theme of his government. The path of erecting the Ram Temple on site that had remained occupied by the Babri Masjid for few centuries was cleared by the Supreme Court through its political rather than a legal verdict. But withdrawing status of a state to Kashmir was his action to bring in sharp international reactions. He could not move ahead with the plans to reduce the minorities to sub-citizen status through fresh registration of Indian citizens.

His publicly contradicting his home minister on the issue invited sharp reactions from the Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat who publicly disowned the NaMo government while addressing the Holi Festival rally at Ranchi on March 11. Bhagwat also refused to recognise the party as its political wing. With the Sangh chief disowning the party and the government, it brings to the fore what is the political philosophy of the government as it is formed on the mandate for the Individual’s government. Does the Bhagwat’s claim that the Sangh has nothing to do with the NaMo government give the Prime Minister unfettered right to rule according to his ways and wishes? To have such unquestionable authority Narendra Modi also needs assurance of a clear and clean majority support. Can he be sure of it.

Everyone needs also to keep in mind that the Prime Minister Narendra Modi resorted to even more sharper and disturbing step of the lockdown on all social, economic, personal and religious activities on the 14th day of the Bhagwat’s assertion disowning the NaMo government. Was it a conscious defiance of the past? The Ruling Party has consistently fought for the past 25 years on the temple issue for arousing the religious sentiments. Yet the BJP supported Prime Minister had directed closure of all temples, all rites and religious activities for 68 days.

For two years prior to closure of economic activities for two months with the lock down has pushed the Indian economy to brinks of certain collapse. The working class is immediate victim but other classes cannot escape the disastrous consequences. The labour class has suffered immediate consequences but their imperative need also will be established eventually as the economic activities cannot be restarted without them. The owner class did not suffer immediate hardships but resumption of economic activities and the government’s imperative need to raise resources for next year onwards would be crushing blow more for them. NaMo has merely conveyed that without him the party cannot win and without party he cannot rule.