Lately, however, the ground is perhaps shifting away from the BJP which, with undiminished charisma of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and a garb of National Democratic Alliance, has so far been pursuing unilateralism in enforcing major policies and laws without consensus building, at the social or political levels. All this hardly reflects democratic governance. Nor is there the required respect for fiscal federalism as envisaged in the Constitution. The Chairman of the 15th Finance Commission, Mr N K Singh has himself suggested to the Centre the need to reinforce States' trust in fiscal federalism.

That displays of arbitrary power exercise cannot endure for long is becoming evident in the way mass protests are coming into open. The three farm laws, ostensibly to improve welfare of kisans, - no matter the dubious operational modes like corporates' entry ,have evoked total resistance from farmers.

India has been going through massive protests peacefully by farmers mainly from Punjab, Haryana and Western UP. Government has not only rejected demand for repeal of those laws but also failed to come up with acceptable alternatives. Against genuine fears of deprivation of their existing rights and benefits, the Modi Government has so far no credible response such as to bring satisfaction to farmers.

Besides, there is growing worker unrest in the country in the wake of the BJP Government's Labour Codes, especially in relation to job security, effectively reducing protection under collective bargaining. This at a time of unemployment at unprecedented levels and the Government has hardly tackled a key issue such as unemployment on a mass scale in its seven-year rule thus far.

How far nation-wide issues come to the fore in State Assembly elections is a moot question but the stand of individual parties on major problems as they arise does make an impact on voting behaviour.

Whatever the limitations imposed by coronavirus spread, political parties remain hopeful of endorsement of their respective agenda. Basically, States are more concerned with their own needs and urges.

Thus, in the impending state elections, the nationally dominant BJP seeks to plant itself in power in West Bengal for the first time, ousting the 10-year TMC regime led by powerful Mamata Banerjee, still commanding strength through successive elections. The Left Front and the Congress have an alliance opposed to BJP and the ruling TMC. In Assam, BJP hopes to retain power with the Prime Minister projecting his party as "the sole protector of indigenous people" safeguarding their language and culture.

It is in Tamil Nadu that BJP is making a well-organised move to make itself a stronger political force, next only to the Dravidian Majors, DMK and AIDMK. It is only by the turn of the year that the Dravidian rivals have moved into active campaigning, in the aftermath of superstar Rajnikanth exiting the political scene.

A war of words and accusations is the dominant feature of Tamil Nadu poll campaign between top leaders of AIDMK (Chief Minister E Palaniswami) and the DMK President Mr M K Stalin who is predicting a landslide victory on the basis of his meetings in Makkal Gram Sabhas with voluntary participation of men and women.

While there is no pronounced anti-incumbency factor against the AIDMK regime,in the post-Jayalalithaa period (since 2017), the Palaniswamy Government's diffidence is best seen the way it embraced the Modi Government for an alliance.

Even so, MrPalaniswamy's hectic moves included the opening on January 27 of a Mausoleum for 'PuratchiThalaiviAmmaJayalalitha' at a cost of Rs.90 crore. He has called on his partymen to ensure the party's victory in the Assembly elections. "That would be the gratitude that we would be offering to Amma".

The DMK leader Mr Stalin said the AIDMK leaders had no moral right to open a Jaya memorial without the completing the probe into the circumstances of her death. MrPalaniswami has projected himself through advertisements for all policies and actions of his Government continuously for days and weeks, taking the name of "Amma"

But AIDMK's problems are manifold, internal differences over evolving alliance with BJP which at the state level has generated controversies over partnership in Government if the NDA alliance led by AIDMK won the elections.

Another complicating factor is Ms. Sasikala's likely stand, now that she has been released from jail. As a confidante, Sasikala held a strong position and it was she who named Mr Palaniswamy to head the Government in place of Mr O Pannerselvam in 2017. But the AIDMK leaders at their general council meeting said there was no place now for Sasikala.

Both DMK and AIDMK await the Election Commission announcement of the schedule for filling the 234-memeber T N Assembly before firming up their alliances whereafter seat-sharing would be taken up. DMK has said it wants to fight for around two hundred seats.

The Congress remains its major ally though it would have fewer seats than in the past. Mr Rahul Gandhi has just completed a tour of western region and said DMK-led alliance would not allow BJP's efforts to "harm" Tamil Language and culture.

AIDMK will announce its allies possibly after NDA holds a meeting in Chennai. While PMK of DR Ramadoss and DMDK led by Capt. Vijaykant have been AIDMK allies, there are problems about seat sharing. There is no Third Front yet into the open though another star of fame, Kamal Hasan, has for months been campaigning for his 'MakkalNeediMalam" as a potential Front. His views on the BJP ideology are closer to DMK/Congress and resists "one nation-one scheme and one-language" saying it would destroy "unity in diversity". (IPA Service)