With jugglery of the polling data, it is trying to project the outcome as an improvement in the party's performance as compared to the 2004 Lok Sabha and 2007 Assembly elections and best since Punjab's reorganisation in 1966. Such misleading claims usually prevent well-intentioned rulers from taking corrective measures to meet future challenges.

In unofficially provided data it has been claimed that the Akali Dal registered a poll tally of 2.12 per cent more than its poll percentage in the 2004 Lok Sabha polls. The Election Commission data, however, show that the party got 33.4 per cent votes this time winning four seats while its score was 34.3 per cent, nearly half per cent less, in 2004 when it had won eight seats. On the other hand, the Congress has increased its voting percentage from 34.2 in 2004 to 45.2 winning eight seats. Akali Dal needs to explain whether its claim of getting 2.12 per cent more votes also includes the votes of BJP's two winning segments.

The Akali Dal's claim of its 2009 vote percentage being the best since 1966 is also deceptive. The party had secured 38.01 and 37.64 per cent votes in 1985 and 1987 winning 73 and 75 seats respectively.

The negative trend in the Akali Dal's poll percentages, however, does not mean that the party has not recovered some of its 2007 lost ground. For instance, it has regained some of its rural support base in its traditionally stronghold of Malwa, the region which it had almost totally lost to the Congress in 2007. The recovery is particularly conspicuous in Bathinda from where the party President Sukhbir Singh Badal's wife Harsimrat Kaur has won with a handsome margin. Regaining of some of the lost rural bases can be attributed primarily to the Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal's mass image and Sukhbir's organisational skills which he had first demonstrated during the 2007 Assembly elections helping the party to ascend to power.

Elections had varied facets. They should, however, not be used by the rulers as a cover for their shortcomings and failures. Instead of wasting energy in the corporate style gimmicks of suppressing facts a la the infamous Satyam case, those running their writ in Punjab should come out of their make-believe world to face Punjab's ground realities and the challenges the state faces.

After losing its title of India's highest per capita income state, Punjab is now being viewed as one of the country's laggard states. Except being the star performer in ensuring food security -credit for which goes to the state's hard-working farmers- there is hardly any field in which Punjab finds itself in dumps. The state has lost its reputation of being one of the country's politically and administratively best run states. Its public delivery system is in total disarray. With corruption taking roots at higher political and administrative levels, the evil has acquired alarming dimensions at lower levels where the common man can hardly get any work done without paying bribe. The social welfare sector is in a miserable state with education and health being in worst state. The less said the better about development. Contrary to government's boastful claims, the development is more in its files than on the ground.

Financially, the state is virtually bankrupt. Already burdened by huge debt and unbearable subsidies, particularly of free power for farm sector, subsidised atta-dal scheme and octroi abolition dues, the exchequer will have to face another huge burden due to employees enhanced salaries and arrears. The situation has forced the Finance Minister to consider a cut in the current year's Plan size.

The unfortunate aspect of Punjab's virtual bankruptcy is that the ruling alliance leadership is holding New Delhi responsible for Punjab's financial ills. Parkash Singh Badal has been parroting without substantiating his charge with facts that the “Congress-led central governments” have been discriminating against Punjab, particularly the Sikhs. His bemoaning suffers from three major infirmities. First, when the Congress asked Sikhs to vote for a Sikh Prime Minister, Mr. Badal rightly said that religion should not be used as a ground for eliciting votes. But for serving Akali Dal's political interests, he charges the Centre with discriminating against Sikhs. Secondly, he ignores Manmohan Singh-led UPA government's giving of maximum help including some new projects to Punjab and many times more increase in wheat and paddy Minimum Support Prices than given by the Vajpyee-led NDA government.

Thirdly, the Akali-BJP government itself has not taken any steps to mobilise additional resources. At the cost of Punjab's dignity and self-respect, it keeps going to New Delhi with a begging bowl forgetting that it has failed either to utilise or has misutilised most of the grants the centre has been giving to the state.

One can understand the BJP adopting a hostile attitude towards a Congress-led Central government. But the Akalis adopting such an attitude may not be in the long-term interest of Punjab and Akali Dal. The Akali leadership needs to change its approach on political and economic issues. It did this when it decided to adopt a moderate line at its 1996 Moga conference. This earned it praise and helped it join the national political mainstream. It will be a utopian thought to expect the present Akali leadership to repeat Master Tara Singh's mid-fifties bold experiment of merging the Akali Dal with the Congress for the sake of Punjabi Suba demand. Parkash Singh Badal had then won 1957 Assembly election on Congress ticket. But certainly some way can be found for creating a congenial political atmosphere conducive for pulling Punjab out of its present messy economic situation.

Akali leadership should avoid putting itself into a Kuchh Na Samjhe Khuda Kare Koi situation. (IPA Service)