With these twin objectives, Modi had carried out the consecration of Ram temple in Ayodhya on January 22. But incongruously he would not have dreamt that the euphoria would vanish within four months. In the process he had even projected himself as bigger than Sri Ram (not Lord Ram). What an absurdity his clarion call — “Jo Ram ko layenge, hum unko layenge (We will bring the ones who brought Ram)” —lies shattered on the streets of Ayodhya.

There is no doubt that this electoral battle was fought against the mighty saffron rule by the constitution-armed poor people of India. In the history of independent India, this has been one of the most significant battles. The people of India managed to send the message across that their voice could not be ignored, they cannot be dissipated for promoting the class interest of the comprador bourgeoise and crony capitalists.

People of India, especially the rural people all across the country, must be complimented for not falling into the provocative communal trap of Modi and continuing to maintain communal peace and harmony till the completion of the electoral procedure. This is also a sign of caution for the urban intellectuals and academics to refrain from treating the Dalits, poor and proletariats as naïve pawns of the Hindutva project.

Their candid rejection of Modi leadership nonetheless got reflected in their not responding to his slogan of “abki baar 400 paar,” with the best retort coming from Ayodhya, the sanctum sanctorum of Hindutva. Within four months of the consecration of Ram temple amidst much hype and pageantry, the BJP lost the Ayodhya seat to the Samajwadi Party candidate, Awadesh Prasad. This defeat sends a very strong and urgent message to the protagonists of Hindutva.

Modi being handed over a much-diminished mandate does not merely underline that Modi myth has been shattered; it also underscores wider implications. Modi being cut-to-size has made it explicit that the Hindus of India are tired of his communal agenda. However, BJP’s 241 seat margin also means that some traction is still retained by Modi’s divisive politics. Yet, Verdict 2024 also demonstrates that the fight against the rightist forces has occupied centre stage in Indian politics.

Since the 2019 victory, RSS and Modi have been trying to create an impression that Hindus are fully polarised and communalized and will go along with the BJP. This election results have completely negated that perception. There is little doubt that for winning the 2019 election, Modi and his saffron ecosystem had rode the ultra-nationalist wave in the wave of the killing of 40 CRPF soldiers. If that massacre had not happened, Modi would not have secured the landslide that he did in that election. People of the country still remember Modi seeking vote on the name of the killed soldiers.

In this election, the people, particularly in the Hindi heartland, which is the BJP’s core base, didn’t see a Modi wave. The mask of nationalism and religion which the RSS and Modi have worn for long was disrobed this time. The common people, poor and proletariat had come to realise that this was merely a façade and it was meant to serve the interest of billionaires and crony-capitalists hovering up the nation’s public resources. This election also makes it clear that people are too willing to strike back, there should be someone to join shoulders with them. This was flawlessly done by Rahul Gandhi.

Reservation agenda occupied the centre stage in 2024 general elections, but it was more than that. The issue of Mandal and Kamandal had first surfaced during the rule of V P Singh. The politics gave birth to almost half of the present day politicians. But it never aroused the passion of the poor, Dalits, proletariats in such a fierce manner as is seen in the present times. This time, caste and reservation ruled the roost among 90 per cent of the people, who were aware of their duties and exploitation they have endured at the hands of the Hindutva opportunists. The urban middle class as usual dismissed Rahul’s crusade as an act of idiocy that would divide the society. But they did not realise that the exploited masses in search of a worthy articulator of their causes have finally got one in the form of Rahul.

Former Congress president Rahul Gandhi accelerated his campaign for caste census, saying he has the clarity that he is not in pursuit of power. Instead, he is working to ensure representation for 90 percent of Indian population. At the same time, he chided the Congress for making mistakes in the past, exhorting his party to transform its politics. He needed a Congress to communicate their feelings and voices, instead of ruling India. Unfortunately, Modi could not comprehend and was caught on the wrong foot.

The result further exposed that Hindu society is not a monolithic homogenous whole, but is bitterly divided along class and caste lines. The society has numerous subdivisions. This was a major stumbling block in the path of spread of Hindutva. Almost 95 percent of the Indian population that fall under the categories of backward communities, Dalits, Tribals, minorities and economically weaker sections among the forward castes still do not have corresponding share of representation in professions.

Rahul Gandhi’s remark is worth mentioning: “Political leaders stumble through their lives chasing power, spending every minute how to gain it, but without attaining clarity of political thought. Every political person will have a political crystallisation but many will not gain such a crystallisation. I have got the clarity that I have to work to ensure representation for the 90% of our population. And this battle has to be fought with love, respect and strength. It is also true that the Congress party in the coming days will have to transform their politics.”

Modi is an insecure politician who suffers from both an inferiority and a God complex. Modi claiming to be “not biological” but “sent by God” was the subject of utter ridicule all through, even among his own fan base. He in fact insulted motherhood in his pursuit to win the election. Clearly, all that has backfired.

Some experts and academics are trying to project the result as a setback and not as a defeat. They have also put out an interesting debate in public domain: Why do some Indians want Modi again? Who are the Indians who want him back? Evidently, it is the compulsion to protect the class interests that the rich, upper middle class and capitalists are projecting him as the saviour of new India. The rightist forces strive for strong military and financial muscle. For them, true economic self-sufficiency and reducing the wealth gap would be anathema. BJP’s cartelization of the economy is in conformity to the Hitler’s political perception.

A closer look at the character of the Indian ruling class would make it abundantly clear that it has been basically rightist, who preferred a ruler of the iron-man image. The corporate class’s dalliance with fascism is nothing new. There are many such figures: Hitler, Mussolini, among others. The rich and capitalists have primarily been opposed to the poor and proletariat. Ever since India achieved independence, the rich and capitalists have been using the state machinery to goad them and keep them under their control. Not allowing them to participate in election and exercise their right to vote has been the most effective instruments for the rich and capitalists.

It is worth mentioning that it was early seventies the assembly elections in Bihar along with some other states witnessed massive upsurge of the Dalits for exercising their democratic rights. Resurfacing of the Naxalite movement in Bihar owed to this. That year also witnessed large number of killings of Dalits and proletariats by the upper caste feudal landlords.

Since then, bloody clashes during the elections have become a common phenomenon. Recently, a Supreme Court bench observed that he had seen booth capturing, which was worse than alleged misuse of EVM. Unfortunately, Justice Khanna did not see the ground realities and was away from the truth. Booths were captured primarily for two reasons; first to exercise their electoral rights, and second to protect their right from, being usurped. It is something else that some political parties and their leaders resorted to booth capture for their personal gains. But in these cases too, it was the urge for power that worked.

Let me cite an example from Bihar. The CPI(ML) has won two seats, Arrah and Karakat. Both these areas had witnessed massive upsurge of peasant armed struggle in late sixties and early seventies. Hundreds of Naxal cadres were killed. For last couple of decades the areas have been witnessing the bourgeoise peace. An impression has been gaining ground that the movement and its gains have been lost. But this time, the CPI(ML) candidates from these seats defeated political giants. One of them, R K Singh of BJP, a former home secretary of Bihar and senior Union Minister, who symbolised the upper caste power, got defeated from Arrah. The old support base had woken up and defeated Singh, the face of rightist old feudal forces. (IPA Service)