RSS claims to be a non-political organisation, completely devoted to cultural and social activities. But the proceedings of the Sabha made it obvious that the meet devoted itself to discussing the politics and political interactions across the country. With 1,482 representatives from different parts of the country participating in the meet, and presenting reports on their work, the main thrust of the conglomeration seemed to be their relation with the ruling BJP and what has been done to propagate the politics of Hindutva. The discussions included details of initiatives RSS undertook, special programmes, and an analysis of the groundwork undertaken. The meet featured: “RSS activities take place at 51,710 locations everyday and daily activities and 21,936 are weekly activities. The number of daily RSS Shakhas increased to 83,129 (10,000 more than last year), while the number of weekly Shakhas has risen to 32,147 (4,000 more than last year).”

RSS is also focusing on rural areas, with a total of 58,981 rural Mandals, out of which 30,770 have daily Shakhas, marking an increase of 3,050 compared to the previous year. Weekly activities stand at 9,200, bringing the total to 39,970, covering 67 per cent of Mandals. In 2025, RSS is completing 100 years since its inception in 1925, and more than celebration, it is a time for expansion and consolidation. Yet, the Sabha did not come out with the correct information about the cultural reconstruction of Hindu society, or the success it achieved in weeding out the societal vices.

The Sabha claimed that RSS has taken up special initiatives of cow protection (Gau Samrakshan) and rural development (Gramin Vikas). But these programmes, as is known, have ominous dimension. They are meant to win over Hindus and enroll them as the members of the saffron ecosystem. The sabha claimed that RSS Swayamsevaks paid special attention to Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony). This is a political instrument. The most evasive reply which exposed the philosophical paradox of RSS was on the developments in Manipur. Its senior leader CR Mukunda said, “The situation in Manipur has been disturbed for the past 20 months due to violence between two communities, leading to mistrust and hardships. While recent political and administrative actions have given hope, restoring normalcy will take time. RSS is working towards bringing the Meitei and Kuki groups together by facilitating discussions.”

The RSS leader utterly lacked conviction to confess that it is the RSS that bears substantial responsibility for the creation of this nature of politics of hatred in Manipur. It promoted and patronised Meiteis against Kukis, simply for the reason that Kukis believed in Christianity. RSS intended to turn Manipur into a Hindu zone. If RSS was really serious about finding a solution to the Manipur problem and have peace, it should have forced Prime Minister Narendra Modi to visit the state. Till date Modi has skipped visit.

RSS Sabha even expressed concern at the stand of Tamil Nadu language imbroglio. It was said: “The RSS believes that the North-South divide is politically motivated. We emphasise that such issues should be addressed by social leaders, as conflicts over linguistic differences are detrimental to national unity.” This is purely a political reply. By describing the issue raised by MK Stalin as “politically motivated”, RSS was blaming the Tamilian people for opposing Modi government’s move to impose Hindi.

RSS was in fact undermining the Tamilian cultural ethos. It was once again a manifestation of the politicisation of culture by RSS. The Sangh virtually admitted that RSS has been expanding in Tamil Nadu and has more than 4000 sakhas. It is certainly not a mean achievement. At the meet, RSS claimed that several lakhs of swayamsevaks from RSS inspired organisations are engaged in social services like trade unions, agriculture etc. Obviously, they have undertaken political task that are not merely related to societal responsibilities.

Sources maintain that some stray voices raised the issue of changing lifestyle of RSS cadres and pracharaks. They said in the past, till the Modi government came to power, the cadres and pracharaks would lead a simple life. They strongly believed in rusticity. They had made a point to eat at the houses of common villagers and people. They did not prefer to have expensive meals from hotels. Their attires also sent a strong message of their commitment and conviction. But now their approach has undergone a major change. They prefer to stay at hotels and have good food. Their dress code has also changed.

It was also pointed out at the Pratinidhi Sabha that a systematic and rigorous corporatisation of the existing cadres and pracharak culture as well as the organization as a whole is taking place. This according to the insiders is one of the prime reasons for the rise of personal feuds in the saffron ecosystem. The supporters of Modi hold the view that the RSS cadres and pracharaks have been using the facilities usually availed by the leaders and cadres of the party in power. But they have been raising their accusing fingers towards the BJP leaders. This is unfair, according to them.

In fact, an insight into the working patterns of the RSS would reveal that the leadership has been hiding their real intentions behind the façade of culture. On 9 September 1945, while India was just two years away from being declared an independent country, top functionaries of the RSS had decided at their Nagpur headquarters to practically finish off the impending democracy. The details show the Sangh’s secret desire even in 1945 to capture political power. As per the police report, which quotes the notebook, the meeting was attended by Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras, a future sarsanghchalak (figurehead) of the RSS.

Strategically, since its beginnings, the RSS had pitched itself as a social and cultural organisation. Even in 2020, the present chief Mohan Bhagwat, claimed that it has no connection to politics. But the fact is politics has always been at the core of the RSS activities. It has been known to serve the cause of corporate sector and big business houses. “It is wrong to say that we have no connections with politics,” Deoras had said in response to a question by PV Savarkar. The current chief feels that RSS has come of age and is now capable of dictating the political course. Obviously, it is rearing to assert its say and right.

Repeated assertion that it helped the BJP win the assembly elections in Haryana, Maharashtra and Rajasthan is testimony to it. Though RSS is opposed to Modi, the political benefit it derives from him and his government has been the prime reason for not opposing his programmes and policies. RSS leadership during the last eleven years of Modi rule did not oppose his excessive use of power, arbitrary detentions and punitive measures against minorities and political opponents. It would not be an exaggeration to say that in India, fascism is reinventing itself. It has been using politics of Hindutva to accomplish its mission.

The RSS shaped Hindutva ideology on the same line as the Nazis of Germany and the Italian Fascists under Mussolini that emerged in the 1930s leading to the Second World War. Hindutva rejects the liberal democratic conception of nation and citizenship. It is inherently anti-democratic. Incidentally, Mohan Bhagwat finds cultural degradation in our social life but is not bothered of cultural degeneration within the saffron family. While fostering anti-minority feelings within India, RSS has ironically been vocal about the persecution of Hindu minorities in Bangladesh, warning that "such tendencies bring about national catastrophes and nations get ruined”. Yet, the continuous degeneration of India’s once syncretic social fabric doesn’t merit RSS’s attention, even though it passed a resolution to build a “harmonious and organised Hindu society” for world peace. (IPA Service)