When everyone thought it was time for celebration, came the disturbing news. Instead of the old comrades, the PM now has to exorcise a new set of ghosts and demons within the new UPA.

Perhaps the new challengers may not be as dogged as the Left. But when they oppose the disinvestment of profit-making PSUs - 'selling family silver to throw feast' - they too have a constituency to cater to. The DMK has its powerful trade unions whose workers form the party's cadre base in urban Tamil Nadu. It was they who had persuaded Karunanidhi to block UPA-1's disinvestment moves. Neyveli was a test case for them. Now his daughter Kanimozhi has made a strong case for halting the move for sale of government stake to meet the government's budgetary deficits.

The PM's side blames some Congress leaders for the revolt. This adds a new dimension to the growing discord within. Some regard it as a tantrum at being denied a ministerial berth. at the Centre. The DMK and Trinamul are the largest Congress allies. Trinamul's storm-trooper against the PM's liberalization moves is its MP, Sudip Bandopadhyay. He made it clear in Lok Sabha that Trinamul's objection was not confined to the PSUs in West Bengal but wherever they are. He also demanded dumping of the Land Acquisition Act.

Trinamul's Saugata Roy, a UPA minister, and Sisir Adhikari, have clarified that apart from disinvestment they will oppose banking and insurance reforms. 'We are more pro-poor than the CPI(M),' the latter asserted. BJP's Rajiv Pratap Rudi also indicated in the Lok Sabha the party's intention join the UPA dissenters. The PM's side fears that if left ignored, the powerful 'TU aristocracy' and vested interests of the PSU can lobby more support. Even the Congress establishment, as different from the PMO, may relent. True, Trinamul and DMK are not so tenacious on such issues. But they have to compete with the Marxists and other state rivals on 'anti-worker' policies.

The PM's side has already diluted the PSU sales. Arun Shourie-style outright sale of units to the chosen one is totally off. And a 51 per cent safeguard is assured. Now Montek Singh Ahluwalia is trying the third lure: putting apart part of the sales money for PSU's own renovation and workers' welfare. Another dilution is to sell the stake only to the retail investors (i.e., 'citizens of this country' as government put it)so that the bulk buyers would not grab it later. But the corporates would resist it tooth and nail.

At the first meeting of the new UPA team, Mamata Banerjee had sought the preparation of a Left-style CMP and liaison panel. She received instant support from the DMK and the NCP. But the Congress deftly sidetracked the issue which they described as potentially 'divisive' if not jinxed. Such tactical gains notwithstanding, the PM will have henceforth to deal with growing ranks of such lesser avatars of the dreaded Left. For the latter, their responses are fairly predictable. But those like Mamata could shock the UPA any time with sudden Ailas.

Already, the PM's communication gap with the new demons is as wide as that with the Left. Mamata has been freely listing her priorities (scrapping SEZ, divestment, pension and banking bills, etc). They were led to believe that electorally beneficial social programmes were the UPA-2's watchword. No one in Congress even mentioned reform. All the while Pranab Mukherjee's stock reply was: 'Wait for the budget.' Then all of a sudden came PM's old agenda on June 4 as part of the President's customary address to Parliament.

Some call it a neat policy coup d'etat staged on an unsuspecting party and UPA allies. The conceptual disconnect between the PM and most others is sharp. Therefore, the former had to use his web site to ask Pranab Mukherjee, his senior-most colleague, to take the Presidential address as guide for budget- making. This is unprecedented. Does the PM fear others will sidestep his agenda? Otherwise, why does he want the Finance Ministry to ensure that the budget reflected the June 4 address? Media reports talk of an unidentified senior minister feeling 'unease' about the PM communicating to colleagues through a web site.

With extra-loyalist former colleagues like Arjun Singh, Mani Shankar Aiyar and Ola out, UPA-2 is widely hailed as highly homogenous. Even L.K. Advani would not dare to use the 'weak-PM' cry. No one any more questions the PM's authority. Accordingly, the most convincing explanation for the PMO's repeated references to take the June 4 address as UPA-2's national agenda, is that the PM's unfinished reform schedule as contained in the address, could never be challenged by any one. Skeptics claim these were imposed without a debate in party or government. But technically, the new cabinet had given formal approval to the address.

Soon, the PMO followed up the web site directives with direct letters to the cabinet colleagues. And each of them was instantly released to media. One came three days before the June 4 address. It asked the cabinet colleagues to inform the PMO about all schemes and projects even at the consideration stage. Apparently a significant move to tighten the direct PMO control on ministers, this entails a massive centralised set-up to scrutinize a large number of schemes. Indira Gandhi had it. Vajpayee tried it at the peak of his glory but dropped as files began piling up.

The PM's widely publicised three-page letter puts a ban on the Cabinet colleagues going public on issues without the PMO's concurrence. The PM says he will always be available for consultation. The letter again warns the colleagues that the June 4 address should serve as the main document of the UPA government and no one could deviate from it. He again reiterated it at a special address to his personal staff this week. But the irony of it all is that even senior ministers like Kapil Sibal and Salman Khurshid go on proclaiming their own policies and preferences without regard for the PM's advice. Mamata's six ministers take orders only from her and obey her dictum that they should be present in West Bengal five days a week. That much for good governance. (IPA Service)