In many villages of West Midnapore, people have bridled against calls by Maoist-backed organisations to go on protest marches against the state government, the local police or other authorities. They have positively responded to the initiative taken by district and police authorities to rejoin the mainstream, through football and volley ball matches and cultural programmes.

In doing this, they have faced the wrath of armed Maoists or their supporters. Armed extremists have killed young school children, their family members and poor local teachers for allegedly “informing the police”. These acts have intensified the common man's revulsion of the Maoists and their activities.

Now the unorganised people are hitting back, by standing night guard over their own areas, chasing away Maoists and their supporters, or alerting the local police. They have overpowered and handed over to the police over a score of men during the past few weeks. Over a dozen activists have surrendered publicly with their arms to the authorities. Women cadres have alleged that they were sexually exploited by their squad “leaders.” If the trend continues and the Maoists do not take note, Lalgarh and adjoining areas will be free from “red terror”, in the medium term. There is also smouldering resentment of the extortion and kidnapping carried out by the Maoists.

The question naturally arises, why such a reaction to the pro-poor Maoist activism has occurred in West Bengal, the birthplace of the Naxalite ideology and not in Jharkhand, Bihar, Orissa, Andhra or Chhattisgarh, where the movement since the 80s has struck deeper roots?

First, unlike the tribal dominated districts in the other states, the percentage of tribal population in the three south West Bengal districts, Purulia, Bankura and Midnapore, has been much lower, not exceeding 25% anywhere and only 15% in some areas. This is why the demand from Jharkhand -based parties and leaders for the incorporation of these districts into the new Jharkhand never enjoyed a strong demographic basis.

Second, the exploitation of tribals in Bengal had never reached the stark levels seen in Orissa's Kalahandi , parts of Chhattisgarh, or Andhra . Bengal is not as mineral-rich as these states anyway, the coal belt is more to the north in Burdwan and Birbhum, where again the tribals do not dominate. There has been no major ethnic displacement over the decades of the tribal population, a process that created an estimated 20 million development refugees in the other states, who received hardly any compensation even as they lost their last meagre possessions.

Third, there had occurred a partial co-option of the poor tribals into the ruling elite in Bengal under the Left Front's rule. It is a journalistic fashion these days to take potshots at the ruling Bengal Marxists for their failure in various areas of governance, some of which may be justified. But there is little doubt that tribals and minorities on the whole have enjoyed a kind of security they have not experienced anywhere else. The state government had worked actively to recognize the Santhal language Alchiki in local schools, instituted cultural awards at fests and exhibitions, and there have been tribal leaders in the council of Ministers.

True, many parts of these three districts remain economically barren and backward, for which the state government must answer. But the arid weather, lack of irrigation facilities, absence of investors” interest and lack of resources also played their part. It was not as though the tribal areas had been targeted for punishment in any special way.

The main thing is that warts and all, the tribals in Bengal are still a lot better off socially, than anywhere else in India.

It follows that therefore the deep resentment against authority among tribals so prevalent in the other states, over the continuous displacement from their land and homes, was largely absent in West Bengal, despite their remaining the poorest among the poor. The absence of minerals also meant that global heavies like Arcelor Mittal, Posco or Vedanta were never interested to invest in West Bengal. The Tatas tried to set up their small Nano car project at Singur in Hooghly district, but Singur is by no means a tribal area.

The cumulative weight of these factors in Bengal worked against the rapid growth or sustained success of the Maoist political campaign, in that the residue of class-based hostility and exploitation at the hands of big business and officialdom was not as potent here as elsewhere. The tribals as well as the poor were angry over non development, but their resentment did not set them apart from other millions of hapless citizens elsewhere, it was a shared feeling against the state government.

For all its faults, the Front government always campaigned against the typical inbred contempt of the city-based/ educated “Babus” towards their less fortunate and poorer fellow citizens.

The other major reason for the early signs of an anti-Maoist backlash is the strong arm behaviour of the organisations spawned with Maoist support. The Peoples Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCPA) is only one of these, and lesser known bodies have come up. PCPA activists are known to have caused the massive train derailment accident at Gyaneswari, resulting in over 150 deaths, even as the Maoists have tried to distance themselves from it. Regular attacks on informers and CPI(M) activists are also carried out by PCPA activists.

The combined might of the Maoists, with PCPA and other organisations, in the initial post-Nandigram days in 2007, was enough to drive away the CPI(M) leaders and cadres from Lalgarh, Belpahari, Lodhashuli and other areas Even the State police deserted their thanas. The entire administration abdicated, marking it as the most shameful episode of the 33 year left rule in the state, as ineffectual Left leaders talked of combating Maoism “politically”, which was another name for a plain and total retreat from constitutional responsibility. It was plain cowardice by another name.

But the constitutional vacuum and administrative breakdown hit the entire population as well, where as pointed out earlier, the tribals are in a minority! Schools closed down, shops could not open, hospitals did not work, bazaars were closed, those who could went off to other areas for work. Distress increased and naturally local resistance developed.

This is where the unique character and fighting abilities of the people of Midnapore district came to the fore,. This district had the distinction of setting up a “free area” at Tamluk in 1942, as revolutionaries ruled a pocket over four months before the British subdued them, not before three District Magistrates had been killed before and after the agitation. Over 4,000 people were arrested and scores of people were killed by the police.

Midnapore leaders opposing the CPI(M) at Nandigram had claimed that if the party could be defeated in this district, it could not survive elsewhere in the state. By 2010, it is clear that their prophecy is being fulfilled.

But this spells concern for the Maoists, too. If Midnapore rejects the CPI(M) for its failure to improve the economy and bring development, it is not going to accept another spell of tyranny from a different party with a similar Marxist nomenclature, Maoist or otherwise. Hence, the local determined rebellion by determined groups of people in many parts of the district to restore order as against anarchy. Shops must open, offices much function normally, repeated bandhs and processions organised by Maoists or anyone else will not be tolerated. The Maoists are getting the taste of their own medicine. People have tested them and they are now determined to assert their freedom. (IPA Service)