By this token, the Congress-Trinamool Congress alliance in West Bengal should feel more comfortable, as the pre-poll campaign warms up.

West Bengal has seen several bitter, no-holds-barred election campaigns in the past, with leaders deliberately resorting to innuendos, veiled personal attacks, barely printable language, deliberate character assassination and half-truths. Cadres and supporters of different parties have been known to intimidate common voters, misusing the administrative machinery. Names of non-supporters have been known to have been deleted, while non voters have been accommodated in electoral rolls.

The Indian national Congress was known for its reliance on roughnecks in some localities to discourage and demoralise opponents, but misuse of the administrative powers was not very common.

It has to be admitted that most of the practices mentioned above, for West Bengal, were introduced by the Left parties. Later, the CPI(M) gradually monopolised such strong arm behaviour and tactics.

Old timers point out that the state saw two of the bitterest poll campaigns in quick succession, in 1967 and 1969 assembly elections, accompanied by physical violence and some arson. Both times the Congress lost, in 1967 fir the first time, after ruling continuously since 1947.

The trend of political violence became stronger over the years. Pre–poll campaigns in 1971 and 1972 were not governed by Marquess of Queensberry rules. In these elections, the Congress made a strong comeback because of divisions within the Left camp. Its supporters rigged polling in some areas in 1972, but there was really no need to do so in the post-Bangladesh period, when the Cong made a strong return.

The country as a whole witnessed the very ugly post-emergency. pre-poll campaign in 1977, which reduced the concept of a Congress monopoly in ruling the country.

The 1989 polls were marked by equally bitter campaigning, over the Bofors payback issue.

Since then, with a two-party arrangement backed by regional parties model operating at the centre, the level of bitterness has not been as intense as before. Also, no party of any significance nowadays can be seen wholly as an opposition entity, except probably the Maoists. State opposition parties may have their representatives as a component of ruling central coalitions, or vice versa.

In 2011, there is little doubt that West Bengal is seeing the bitterest political campaigning among all states, not least because the near monopoly of power enjoyed by the Left faces its most serious challenge to date. Since its resounding debacle in 2009 Lok Sabha polls, the vote swing against the Left Front in Bengal has ranged from 3 to 8% in West Bengal, in the panchayat, civic polls and by-elections.

The Left front is presently carrying out a determined pre-poll campaign by kicking off with a big rally on the Brigade Parade ground and following it up with smaller meetings and processions in different areas. At present, leaders including chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee address several small meetings daily, without much fanfare.

In contrast, the TMC leaders and supporters seem to be less active , but they plan to step up activity with their alliance with Congress having been finalised. The non left camp now matches the Left in terms of posters, graffiti and also uses cutouts and pictures of leaders, which the LF does not favour. S The major slogan of the Left is, “We are regaining lost ground.” Leaders like Gautam Deb, whose campaigns have proved the most popular so far, insists that the 8th LF Ministry will be formed. Left leaders scathingly criticise the poor performance of TMC-ruled panchayats in Midnapore and South 24 Parganas and Ms Mamata Banerjee’s performance as the railway Minister. Some leaders resort to attacking her personally.

The question of development, for the LF has taken a back seat, with the LF manifesto promising nothing very different. A landbank for new industries and land acquisition by public consent have been proposed while allowing industries to acquire land on their own. Protection for the minorities and the SC/ST communities in terms of education and job reservations is another campaign plank.

In comparison, the TMC manifesto, believed to be the work of economists known to be close to the non left camp, promises more action. Specific steps to help the Food processing industry, agriculture, new railway factories, infrastructure development have been highlighted. There are encouraging announcements regarding facilities for the minorities and the economically backwards sections, as well as the promise t make administration more effective. All these noble objectives remain on paper for both sides. In speeches, both sides attack the blunders and past sins of each other, hardly talking about development. The Left lambasts the TMC for driving away the Nano car plant from Singur. The opposition rips into the Left for the huge debt burden of nearly Rs two lakh crore, the abysmal failure of the state administration in maintaining law and order, failing miserably to run the health, education, finance and industry ministries with even minimal efficiency.

All in all, a dismal litany for people attending political rallies, But regardless of their political affiliations, leaders are unwittingly admitting their own responsibility in bringing a once leading state to the depths of its present despair. (IPA)