This must have been one of the calculations behind the government’s decision to arrest Hazare and some of the others. Besides, the government is well aware that notwithstanding the perceived popular tilt towards the anti-corruption campaign, the crusaders cannot claim to be wholly in the right. While the government’s flaws are self-evident, as can be gauged from the fact that no ruling party was interested in setting up an ombudsman since the first attempt was made in 1968, the civil activists have shown themselves to be a motley bunch with little binding them except a pompous holier-than-thou attitude towards their opponents.
The miscellaneous nature of the campaigners was evident from the composition of their group, which ranged across the political spectrum from right to left. Even if the overt backing of the RSS and the BJP is ignored for the moment, Hazare’s right-wing inclinations, evident from his initial praise of Narendra Modi (which he quickly withdrew under pressure) and support for Raj Thackeray’s Maratha chauvinism, were never in serious doubt. No less objectionable was his method of punishing those found guilty of violating his dictates in his native village of Ralegan Siddhi, where the transgressors were tied to a pole and beaten up.
Giving Hazare company on the right side of the ideological divide was Shanti Bhushan, who was once a member of the BJP. The latter’s son, Prashant, however, can be considered a Maoist sympathizer, given the support he routinely extends to insurgents in TV discussions on the plea of upholding civil rights. Another activist who can be deemed pro-Maoist is Swami Agnivesh, who once offered himself as an interlocutor between the government and the rebels.
But that is not his only claim to fame. The saffron-robed sanyasi is on record for saying that “we are being held hostage by elected representatives. I don’t believe in parliamentary politics or democracy. We need grassroots democracy”. Agnivesh’s aversion to parliamentary democracy is shared by Hazare. Explaining his contempt for elected representatives, he once said that since the MPs won by distributing liquor and sarees, the voters could be regarded as bikaau or purchasable.
What is evident here is not only an inchoate mix, but even a dangerous one since it depends on breeding disaffection not only for the ruling class, but for the system as a whole – an objective with the Maoists will wholeheartedly agree. It is not surprising that Hazare repeated his call for changing the system again while addressing the media on Independence Day.
There are also lesser fries in the group such as Arvind Kejriwal, who used to ask “what’s wrong with blackmail” during Hazare’s earlier fast at Jantar Mantar, and Kiran Bedi, who apparently wants to get her own back against the government for denying her the chance to be Delhi’s police commissioner. Evidently, it is not a group which scores high either on cohesion or on personal credibility even if their commitment to eliminate corruption is considered genuine and not a gimmick to seek publicity.
Its confrontation so far with the government had not been on a level playing field in view of the latter’s guilty conscience, which was reinforced by the unending tales of scam. If the government had not been so immersed in scandals, it might have been able to show the resolve to fob off the challenge much earlier instead of on the day of Hazare’s threatened fast.
However, both sides can draw several lessons from the stand-off. The government will have to realize that a large middle class has appeared which is no longer politically apathetic as before when only a small percentage of its members voted. Now, perhaps because of the extensive and excitable television coverage of current events, they take a keen interest in politics. Along with their interest, their contempt for the political class has also grown, not least because of the revelations about the number of MPs and MLAs with a criminal background.
The civil activists, too, will have to understand that criticizing the government and politicians should not lead them to denigrate the parliamentary system as well since it will show them up as irresponsible. (IPA Service)
India
ANNA’S CAMPAIGN MAY LOSE STEAM
MANMOHAN ALSO STRUGGLING WITH HIS CREDIBILITY
Amulya Ganguli - 2011-08-16 17:30
For all the rousing rhetoric of Anna Hazare and Co. and theatrics like sitting in silent meditation in Rajghat, the chances of their movement acquiring greater momentum are minimal. The reason is not only the absence of any organizational support for the campaign, but also the fact that it is basically a middle class phenomenon, as the television visuals of the well-dressed cheerleaders at the various protest venues across the country show. As is known, even if the middle class generally provides leadership and ideological direction, the foot soldiers are almost always from sections lower down in the social and economic scale. In their absence, a movement cannot be sustained for a long period.