The charge, however, seemed so stunning that Congress president Sonia Gandhi had to repeatedly assert that Manmohan Singh will be the PM after the polls. If the opposition charge continued, it only showed how deep-rooted is the public perception about the inevitability of the coronation of the fourth generation Nehru at South Block. Advani's spin doctors only wanted to rake up the old issue of dynastic rule.

Soon came the other missed deadline. Every one was proved wrong when Rahul declined to be a minister in the UPA2 cabinet. With this ended the most widely believed story that he will be a minister of state in PMO without portfolio - as an apprentice - as a prelude to a future takeover. Why did Rahul prove every one wrong, again? It cannot be the fear of dynasty stigma, the main protest plank two decades ago when anti-Congressism was equated with family rule. But it has a cruelest irony. Every splinter of the Janata Parivar, once the mainstay of the anti-dynasty protests, is under worse kind of family control — from Lalu, Mulayam, Badal to Gowda.

Kamlapati Tripathi, that old veteran, had lamented the catapulting of an inexperienced Rajiv Gandhi. He had narrated to us in the evening briefing how he had bicycled Jawaharlal Nehru on pillion from Varanasi railways station. How things have changed now. Political inheritance is so natural and readily acceptable. Over one-third of India is presently under the influence of family-controlled provincial parties. The term 'young MPs' has become synonymous with political siblings and kin. So dynasty cannot be the reason for putting Rahul in a denial mode.

Is Sonia Gandhi waiting for a clear majority for the Congress so that the next Gandhi scion PM may be spared the rigours of tackling recalcitrant coalition allies? Or does she think Rahul needs more political toughening and learning the tricks of power play? The last one seems to be the real hitch. If Sonia Gandhi has proved every prophecy on Rahul wrong, it only follows a familiar pattern. Extreme caution and avoiding extremes and political risks are her forte. Her tool is to stun rivals with surprise decisions at crucial moments. Her dramatic refusal to take oath as PM in May, 2004, has been one such master stroke.

Elaborate preparations and best of strategies are crucial to Project Rahul to make it perfectly risk-proof. Sanjay Gandhi had lived in the quagmire of politics and among sycophants. He readily grabbed power whenever available even if it was Extra-Constitutional Power Centre. Rajiv was a reluctant entrant. But he was in it first to 'help' his mother; and when he was told to take over the reins of power after Indira's tragic death, he did it with aplomb. Both brothers were natural leaders in their own right. Sanjay has been a street fighter, gathered admirers around and went to jail. You may call him reckless and crude, but he had immensely contributed to the collapse of the Morarji government.

Rajiv too had his Doon pals with fresh ideas by his side. True, all but a Mani Shankar Aiyar ditched him later. Yet he had the control of the government and support of the old guard. Rahul's weakest spot is known lack of leadership talent. Earnest in intentions and never rude in public, he is not credited with having any fixed set of aides or pals. A trusted circle of colleagues and the necessary command on them are essential part of a successful leader. May be it is too early to assign gurus for a leader still in the making. Or mentors and pals may rob much of the sheen of the man. At least, these are the charitable explanations for the leader being rather lonely.

However, as compared to former Gandhi scions, the image architecture being crafted for Rahul is unique. His father, along with his aides with professional background, had represented the aspiring youth of the day. Those smart guys with fresh ideas contrasted sharply with the traditional politicians with closed minds. People pinned much hope in such a smart set whom their adversaries had sarcastically dismissed as 'computer boys.' And they won a two-thirds majority.

Rahul's is a mix of Gandhian style simplicity and NGO work culture. His spontaneous modesty and plain talk fit well into the aam aadmi ambience being built around him. His critics can dismiss his spending nights in village homes or talking of a BPL 'Kalawati' as political gimmick. Whether he can really strike a chord with the rural poor will depend on how he persists with the humble style. UP, where he has made some initial political gains, is going to be main launching pad. Under the Project Rahul, quiet efforts are being made to build on the significant gains his 'go-it-alone' strategy had made during the Lok Sabha polls.

The Congress breakthrough has badly shattered Mayawati, Mulayam and the BJP alike. This enabled the spin doctors to project Rahul as a political strategist and visionary. Bundelkhand development is another project to enhance his appeal in UP. While Mulayam views this with fears, Mayawati and BJP have objected to the tagging of their states to Rahul's dream plans. But Rahul's spin doctors pooh-pooh it.

Now even the PM has directed the Planning Commission to push the scheme which it had once rejected. Apart from the Bundelkhand edge, efforts are on to associate Rahul with the NREGS. At a meeting last month, Rahul's claimed role in strengthening the scheme was highlighted. “I'll report to you,” said rural developmet minister C.P. Joshi to Rahul right at the meeting. The flood of Rajiv advertisements last month is viewed as a clever psychological move to enhance the son's image.

If things go well, next assembly election in UP - which is not far off - will see him as the only hope for the state repeatedly ravished by reckless politicians of the SP, BJP and BSP. Here is a young man - earnest, untarnished, familiar with the poor man's problems, and with fresh ideas. It was similar hopes that had won voters' mind for his father in 1984. Many claim there already exists a subterranean 'bring-Rahul' mood in UP. But the grandiose idea suffered a jolt after last month's byelections showed a Mayawati revival. Yet the Project Rahul goes ahead. (IPA Service)