Since Independence, Uttar Pradesh has always been sensitive to the communal sentiments, but for the last one and half decade, communal scene was more or less normal there. During this period the government kept changing. Even the state has to go through the period of the President’s rule many times, but the communal peace never got disturbed.

At the time of elections, the efforts to raise the communal passion used to fail. VHP made many efforts to create passion over the issue of temple construction at the site of demolished Babri Mosque, but it failed to launch any movement on this issue. During Mayawati regime, Allahabad High Court delivered its verdict on the disputed land of Ayodhya. It was feared that the verdict may flare up the communal emotions of either or both of the communities, but the fear proved to be wrong and peace prevailed throughout Uttar Pradesh even after the verdict, which went against the Muslim community.

So the question is why this communal flare-ups after 2012 Assembly elections? Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav has blamed his political opponent for this. He says he is doing a lot for Muslim Community and his political opponents want to deprive him and his party of the benefits of his welfare measures. Though, he has not mentioned the persons or organizations, his hint is clear that those who are competing with Samajwadi Party for Muslim votes are engaged in such divisive activities. On the other hand BJP, which is likely to be the major beneficiary of communal incidents, blames Samajwadi Party government for the rise of communalism. The worst aspect of the communal violence is the indifferent attitude of the Police administration. At the start of tension, the police seem to be inactive. It does not take strong step and kill the disturbance, while it is still in the bud. In the neighbourhood of Delhi at Ghaziabad, police only got into action, when the life of policemen inside the police station was threatened. Before that the rioters went on their rioting spree burning the police and other vehicles and the police was just watching them. It is obvious that the police officers themselves are afraid of taking action against the rioters. Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav must address this problem, if he wants to prevent the recurrence of such violence again and again.

There is a pattern in the communal disturbances of the state. Almost all disturbances have been initiated by minorities. In many of the cases, police has been the target of their attack. Police does not act in time because of the political atmosphere, which has emerged aftermath of the last Assembly Elections, where it has been analyzed that Samajwadi Party won because of the Muslim support. Though, this analysis is only partially true, but the communal elements of the Muslim community are exploiting the situation and pitting Muslims against the police and general public in the hope that they will get government patronage. Muslims voted for the candidates of many political parties including SP, BSP, Congress and Peace Party. Yet many of them suggested that they voted for Samajwadi Party and Akhilesh Yadav is the Chief Minister of the state because of Muslim support only. This communal analysis is one of the main reasons for the rise of communal forces among the Muslims. Again this notion has resulted into the initial inaction of UP police in taking tough action against the trouble mongers.

Two decades have passed since the demolition of Babri Mosque. Now that demolition is not an issue for either of the communities engaged in the dispute. There is not apparent reason for getting communal passion aroused, but it is still happening. This is really very dangerous, because if you know the disease, you can treat it, but what we have got is the symptom only. If you talk to a Muslim youth, he will be showing his anger on the plight of Muslims in Myanmar and Assam. The plight of Muslim in Assam can be understood as the reason behind their anger, but why the riots against Rohingiya Muslims of Myanmar? Muslims in Lucknow even attacked the Buddha Statue installed by previous Mayawati government, because the Rohingiya Muslims in Myanmar are being attacked by Buddhists. It is obvious that the communal passion is being flamed in an organized way and our intelligence agencies and police are failing to keep track.

In fact, the seeds of communal tension were worn before the Assembly Elections of Uttar Pradesh. Mayawati was writing letters to the Prime Minister to give Muslims quotas in government services. The Central government responded by subdividing the OBCs quota along communal lines. For non Hindus OBCs, 4.5 per cent quota was not found to be sufficient, the Congress Ministers started promising 9 per cent quota for Muslims alone. Mulayam Singh Yadav declared that Muslims of UP are 18 per cent of the population of the state and he would provide 18 percent quota for them, if his party came into power. This competitive politics for Muslim votes created an environment, where communal elements of Muslims had field day later on. Now they are exploiting the situation and Uttar Pradesh is gradually moving into an era similar to that prevailing in 1980s.

If the communal forces are allowed a free run, the eventual beneficiary would be BJP, which has failed to mobilize Hindus behind it after 1999. In nine years after 1999, BJP had moved from first political party to fourth after SP, BSP and Congress. In 2012 elections, it has moved at third place by overtaking Congress. It will spare no stone unturned to achieve its lost glory in UP in the next Lok Sabha elections. If the present trend of communal violence continues, BJP will be the only gainer. So the political sense suggests that Akhilesh government should take all measures to deal with the situation for ensuring communal harmony in the state. (IPA Service)