Then, how have things taken a sudden turn for the worse? This is the latest worry for large sections in the BJP. Some recent moves by the RSS are highly disturbing to them. They may not talk about it on record. But many, especially in the Advani camp, fear that if the increasing political activism by the parent body continues unchecked, it will badly restrict the political wing's legitimate role. In the long run, this is going to be a bigger stumbling block for the BJP's growth than the ongoing leadership tussle.

After Mohan Bhagwat's televised criticism of the BJP and its present dominant leadership, the RSS has heralded a new trend of hyper activism. It has touched every subject from international conflicts to castes and cow. May be it is an overreaction to the long lethargy imposed by the Advani-Vajpayee-led BJP, especially when it was in power. For over a decade, RSS was practically confined to its routine functions. Public campaigns like Sethusamudram and Trishul were then left to Pravin Togadias and Singhals. Now the RSS itself is taking up a series of new agitational programmes like gau gram yatra (cow processions to every village), social (caste) engineering and rural development.

Another explanation for the activism is Bhawat's determination to break new ground in the reach and relevance of the RSS in a consumerist society. In a 'can-do' spirit, he will turn what had so far remained an ancient math, into a lively institution. The plan is to have an annual 15 per cent growth in the number of shakhas from the present 37,000. Rather than being an urban outfit, he is planning a deep rural thrust. The target includes IT and other professionals. Like the labour and student wings, RSS can do it directly without the BJP.

In yet another first for an RSS chief, early this month he called a samajik sadbhavana meet of 32 north Indian castes for a Hindutva-style social engineering. This will now be replicated in all areas with a population of 10.000. Through his flamboyant televised media conference, the new chief proved RSS is no more a 19th century vintage. He too can be media savvy and have an answer to each query. In the process, RSS under Bhagwat sneaks into every aspects of life and holds out its own opinion. This is some thing potentially threatening to the BJP.

As part of the new RSS expansionism, policy proclamations come in a sweep. This has caused considerable headache to the BJP leaders. The BJP spokesman had lampooned Rahul Gandhi's village visits as a 'big farce'. But within days, the parivar spokesman snubbed the BJP. Briefing on its three-day karyakarani meet at Rajgar, the RSS hailed Rahul visits as a 'good trend'. It asked other parties (like BJP) to emulate the Gandhi scion. It again rebuffed the BJP when Madan Das Devi praised Chidambaram for his anti-Naxal operations. A confused BJP leadership now prefers silence rather than getting repeatedly snubbed in public.

On China, BJP takes credit for normalising relations after Vajpayee's famous Beijing visit. Contrary to its cautious approach, last week Arun Jaitely played safe and went along with the belligerent karyakarani resolution. Are such RSS snide deliberate to tire out the BJP leaders? At Rajgir briefing, Madan Das Devi did so with élan. Apparently, RSS seeks to assert that it had the last word on policy matters. Traditionally, it leaves comments of topical issues to the political wing. The new assertion, RSS oldies say, is a clear signal for the BJP leaders to constantly keep the parent body in the loop on all emerging issues.

This poses a severe problem for the BJP. Once the RSS sets the policies on topical issues and the BJP is forced to toe the line, the latter will lose its political space as a party. In the present complex situation, political parties need ample elbow room for minimum manoeuvring. More worrisome is the consequences of certain basic policy shifts. A 'back-to-villages' resolution at Rajgir working committee advocated making “villages the focus of development”. It decried the 'obsession' with industrial growth.

For a modern party with the corporate support and flexible policies, such rigid dictates will mean functional restrictions. “The end of socialism and failure of capitalism are making intellectuals all over the world seek a new approach for development,” the resolution says and wants India to take the lead. Unlike pre-Bhagwat days, the new RSS has so far shown determination to enforce its decisions. Will the BJP be forced to toe this kind of a reform of the neo-economic reform? Added to the BJP's woes, there are indications of a revised Swadeshi economic policy emerging.

Also, this time the RSS has made unusual emphasis on issues like 'minority appeasement' and Hindutva policies, both dampeners for BJP during the elections. This had already raised tension in relationship with NDA ally Nitish Kumar in Bihar. The BJP's national executive is scheduled for October 28 and 29. It was expected to sort out the issue of new president after consultations with the RSS. If the RSS mood in Rajgir is any indication, its main thrust will be not as to who becomes the BJP president. On the other, the RSS is angling for a positive change in the BJP's present decision-making system and the organisational structure.

The post-Advani BJP will have to forget the super boss concept, running party from residences and the domination of backroom boys and wiz kids. No single person can, and should, replace Advani. Instead, the RSS would like a 'secretariat' kind of arrangement for the BJP rather than the present presidential system. In 1990s, Advani had got the party constitution amended to make it more authoritarian. Under the new concept, the party chief hereafter will function more as a repository of consensus. This can be done only through genuine consultations - not formal meetings - with colleagues and the parivar bosses. During his protracted talks, Bhagwat had put across such ideas to the BJP leaders. But ultimately, it is a question of delivery. (IPA Service)