The SGPC and the Sikh clergy’s decision to go ahead with building the memorial had generated intense controversy with all non-Akali parties opposing it. Even the Akali Dal’s ally BJP voiced its opposition, though in a subdued tone, to the building of the memorial. The criticism was countered by Deputy Chief Minister Sukhbir Singh and Majithia saying “hundreds of innocent devotees who were trapped in the Golden Temple lost their lives during the Army attack in 1984. What is wrong if a memorial is built for them?”

Facing all-round criticism against the memorial, Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal had to tell the Assembly that the memorial would be in the form of a “small gurduwara” and would be bereft of any photographs and names. But the contrary has happened. The wall on the memorial entrance carried Bhindranwale’s photograph (facing criticism it has since been removed) and Bhindranwale’s name appears on a number of memorial plaques. The fact that the chief minister’s commitment made in the Assembly has not been fulfilled reminds one of what an Urdu poet had said “woh vada hi kya jo vafa ho gaya?” (What good is a promise that has been honoured?).

It could only be the political novice — which the top Akali leadership is not — who would have believed that Bhindranwale’s parent radical Sikh body, Damdami Taksal whom the work of building the memorial was entrusted, would not make any references or display photographs of Bhindranwale on the memorial. But politics is the art of adjustments, which Akali leaders practised in the case of memorial’s construction. The radical bodies, which had helped the party in winning the Assembly elections, had to be compensated for their support.

Strangely, even after the opening of the memorial, which had references to Bhindranwale and his photograph, the SGPC chief Avtar Singh Makkar, who is supposed to manage the Complex, did not notice them. In reply to newsmen’s questions, Makkar strangely expressed his ignorance about the memorial having references and photographs of Bhindranwale. Ignorance sometimes is bliss!

It is not only the Akali leadership, but its alliance partner BJP has also been caught in a catch-22 situation, not knowing how to come out of the tricky situation unscathed.

Besides the memorial issue, the Wealth Tax issue also has forced the Akali leadership to go into defensive mode. It had planned a major onslaught against the Congress-led UPA government on the Wealth Tax issue but found itself on the defensive after the Union Finance minister P. Chidambaram announced the withdrawal of the tax. The wealth tax has exposed those who instead of debating laws and studying those already enacted by the Parliament and state Assemblies are more interested in mutual squabbles and disrupting the normal functioning of the Legislatures on non-issues.

It was in 1992 that the then Union Finance Minister had brought agricultural land under the definition of “urban land” for purposes of wealth tax. For 20 years, the Akali Dal showed they neither cared to study the central law nor raised their voice against the wealth tax during their two stints in power in the Centre and three in Punjab. They woke up from their deep slumber only when a few Akali leaders from Jalandhar faced the heat of the tax authorities for their failure to pay wealth tax that the matter caught attention of the Akali leadership. It is the rich, particularly some influential Akali leaders, who reportedly own large chunks of land surrounding the state’s urban areas.

The ruling coalition had sensed a golden opportunity to hit the Congress and the Centre on the wealth tax issue. It summoned an emergent session of the Assembly on May 3.

Though equally ignorant about the implications of Wealth Tax, Punjab Congress leaders moved fast when they realized that the Akali Dal planned to use the wealth tax issue against their party and the Centre in 2014 Parliament elections. They snatched the initiative by joining hands with Haryana chief minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda and led a deputation of party leaders to Chidambaram demanding withdrawal of the tax. The Finance Minister obliged by announcing the withdrawal in Parliament.

The withdrawal of the tax forced the Akalis to go on the back foot. With the purpose for calling the session lost they decided that the May 3 Session would only condole the unfortunate killing of Sarabjit Singh. The condolence resolution, which also termed Sarabjit as martyr, was passed unanimously with the Congress also voting for it.

Bonhomie, even if temporary, in a surcharged political atmosphere is a sign of political maturity. Both the ruling Akali-BJP alliance and the Congress displayed this maturity by unanimously passing the resolution.

Will the two parties who had always been looking for opportunities to score over each other exhibit similar maturity in future to ensure normal functioning of the state Assembly? One need not be called a cynic if, given the record of their past squabbles in the Assembly, such a possibility can be ruled out. It was the solemnity of the occasion and the national anger generated against Sarabjit’s killing which prompted the two sides unanimously adopt the condolence resolution. Had the wealth tax not been withdrawn and the Sarabjit tragedy not taken place, the Assembly was bound to witness fireworks between the treasury benches and the opposition.(IPA Service)