Caste polarization is not at all a new element in Bihar politics. Since the days India became free the Bihari politicians have been exploiting it for their political gains. Though this phenomenon has a class base with a strong political and economic backdrop, the political parties and their leaders consciously insulated it and showcased it as the social question. During the eight years of Nitish’s rule its impact got diluted. But the 2014 Lok Sabha elections once again brought the issue to the fore. In the regions which had witnessed caste wars in seventies, some stray incidents took place during and after the elections.

Nitish Kumar, whom Manjhi described as Chanakya, was prompt to see through the moves and the content of the future politics of the state and decided to quit. The new format of Narendra Modi’s social engineering had little space for Nitish to maneouver within the parameters of the existing caste equations and relations. For the sake of his political survival it had become imperative for him that he should cobble up a new type of caste combination. And the only person who could have accomplished the task with complete perfection was Jitan Ram Manjhi and none else.

In fact, Manjhi’s elevation from the cabinet minister to the chief minister was purely a high stake gambling by Nitish Kumar. The fact could not be ignored that Manjhi was installed as the chief minister superseding a number of senior mahadalit leaders. It would be utopian to believe that Nitish would have preferred to install a person as the chief minister who would turn out to be his rival. The day Nitish put in his papers, he knew that he would have to cobble up a new caste alliance as the existing social engineering was hijacked by the BJP. True enough for nearly a year Nitish has been focusing on Mahadalit vote bank. He had provided 50 per cent reservation to the women in panchayats only with an eye on the mahadalit women force. His call for empowerment of the mahadalits has been well received. But after the Lok Sabha poll he lost his confidence and was not sure that he would make this section accept him as their leader. He needed somebody who could do proxy. In his plan of action Manjhi was the best bet. To ensure his political survival it is necessary that the mahadalits rally behind Nitish.

Manjhi has a candid and clear brief: arouse the passions of the mahadalits. This could not achieved by mere executive actions. In Bihar it needed sufficient amount of aggressive political rhetoric so that the SCs, STs and Mahadaits could repose their trust in the person: here is the leader who is our real savior. Undoubtedly Manjhi has achieved significant success. His jibes and diatribes have been well received by the poor and mahadalits. Manjhi was not practicing populism instead he has been arousing the passion and urge of empowerment of the poor and mahadalits of Bihar.

At a time when from the prime minister to the chief ministers, everyone has been extending invitation to the Naxalites to enter into dialogue with the government and also counseling them to join the mainstream politics and the administrative machinery has been busy evolving the mechanism to curb the Maoist extortion and their collecting levy from engineers and contractors, Majhi did not hesitate in endorsing their action: “extorting levy from corrupt is not wrong”. He said that the loot and plundering of the development fund by the engineers and contractors has provided strength to Naxalism. At a public meeting in Munger, the emerging hotspot of Maoist actions, he said: “There is a nexus between contractors and engineers Contractors ern huge money in the name of Maoists. They exaggerate project costs. If the Maoists ask for somelevey out of this money there is nothing wrong in it”

He was conveying the message to the mahadalits and poor who constitute the ranks of the Maoists that they were not wrong in extorting from the corrupt contractors andengineers. Manjhi said that these people were looting the public exchequer by submitting estimates that are over four or five times the original cost of construction. He also made his intentions public of bringing a bill to reserve government contracts upto RS 50 lakhs for the poor to prevent Maoists from luring away their children. It is worth mentioning that Nitish had already implemented this. It is known as Shikaria Model.

His observation has much bigger connotation and dynamics than meets the eyes and certainly a politically-dwarf person cannot say such things. His yet another statement ought to be looked into seriously. He has called upon the dalits to enter into politics and control it. Every politician nurses ambition to occupy the highest position. Majhi cannot be faulted for nursing any such aspiration. But this is again the part of the script.

In an otherwise fragile political situation where the loyalty to the caste leader defines the future of the individual’s political future, not a single upper caste leader of the JD(U) would have preferred to identify with Manjhi. But the fact is almost all the senior ministers; even from the upper castes have endorsed the public utterances of Manjhi. His posture of building his political constituency ought to be viewed in the backdrop of assertion of the identity and prestige (izzat) by the mahadalits and poor. It is worth mentioning that the scheduled castes, harijans and poor in early seventies had taken to Maoism only for the sake of protecting and preserving their izzat.

It should not be forgotten that for becoming chief minister, Majhi must have his own party and enjoy the support of the majority of the legislators. These two indices are not in his favour at this point of time. The recent Judgment of the High Court reinstating the membership of the four dissident JD(U) members may have beefed the morals of the leaders opposed to Nitish Kumar, but they are not in the position to break away from the party and form government with Majhi as the leader.

No doubt he has been building a new political constituency but not at the expense of Kumar’s vote base but for him. His assertiveness has won new friends and motivated the Mahadalits. It is worth mentioning that the BJP which had been trying to pitch Majhi against Nitish, just after he became chief minister, has of late started targeting Majhi. It simply implied that the BJP leadership has come to understand that Majhi was proxy of Nitish. Till they viewed Manjhi could emerge as a potential challenger, they nursed soft corner for him. But the situation has drastically changed in recent days. The BJP leadership has turned bitter critic of Manjhi.

Any attempt to rein in his speech would prove to be counterproductive. Manjhi is aware of the fact that mahadalits with nearly 22 per cent of the popular vote could change the balance of political equation, which is why as a measure to arouse their political consciousness he tells his audience: “Mahadalit community should not allow the CM’s post that has come their way to slip away. It is my desire that even if I am not the CM, it would be better to have a Mahadalit as the CM of Bihar after the next election”.

Manjhi's controversial statements like 'upper castes are foreigners', 'chopping the hands of doctors', 'I am a CM only for a few days' and 'not allowing entry to seven Union Ministers from Bihar if they don't assist Bihar” are primarily aimed at keeping the mahadalit and poor in good humour and make them feel that they have a participatory status in running the government. His so-called secret meeting with 200-odd mahadalit officers is an exercise in this direction. Manjhi’s move has started making dent in the BJP also. One of its senior could not conceal his feelings: 'People appreciate his feelings for the Dalits. He has established himself independently. Bhola Paswan and Ramsundar Das depended on others for their survival as CM, but Manjhi doesn't'.

Majhi, the Mahadalit leader, who began his political career with the Congress and switched his loyalty to Lalu Prasad’s RJD has demonstrated remarkable political tact and wits in motivating and consolidating Mahadalits and scheduled castes. Majhi could emerge as the major contender for the office in the post-election scenario if the RJD leadership staked their claim and did not agree on Nitish’s name. That would be the trump card of Nitish. (IPA Service)