The free flow of anger of a vociferous opposition in Rajya Sabha over the spate of 'reform' ordinances by Modi Government, ignoring normal legislative processes and hinting at enforcing them, if need be, through a joint session of Parliament - has brought it face to face with emerging political realities.

The logic of the ongoing countrywide farmer stirrings over some arbitrary provisions in the ordinance amending the pro-farmer provisions of the 2013 land acquisition act, to which ruling BJP itself was a party, also cannot be lost on Government. BJP-led NDA itself is divided on the amendments proposed.

But the mood of Government is still on assertion of its majoritarianism which may be tested increasingly in days to come depending upon its policy choices in the matter of meeting the aspirations of not only the middle class - the bulwark of its poll support - but also of the poorer sections, rural and urban.

Finance Minister Mr Arun Jaitley's anxiety to get through some of the ordinances including the enhanced cap for FDI in insurance sector, ahead of February 28, when he is to unveil his intended path-breaking Budget, and reinforce the image of the Modi Government has not worked to script. After valiantly defending Government actions, some room has been left for attempting a consensus.

The President Mr Pranab Mukherjee's address to Parliament at the opening of the session on February 23 had sought to highlight all the reform policies in store and major initiatives launched by Government in its first eight and a half months like PM Jan Dhan Yojana and Swachch Bharat as also other futuristic social development plans duly named after RSS and BJP leaders of the past.

But religious tolerance remains a vexed issue for NDA dispensation, as reflected in the continuing stream of statements coming from RSS Chief Mr Mohan Bhagwat, triggering political controversies countrywide, though the Prime Minister had belatedly clarified that his Government respected and regarded all religions alike.

Prime Minister Modi, known for his shrewd and calibrated moves, cannot be faulted for not distancing himself from the hard-core RSS of which he had been once a Sewak. But his 'maximum governance and minimum government' works in inexplicable ways, unforeseen by the people at large who have thus far backed him.

There is no doubt whatsoever that the Modi Government would present a wholesome budget for investors, expecially foreign, ensuring direct tax changes with the twin objectives of assured stability, removing some glitches for offshore investments, and promoting domestic savings for consumption-led growth.

Mr Jaitley will adhere to the fiscal map laid out already with the target set at 3 per cent of GDP in 2016/17, which is essential to ensure India’s sovereign credit rating. At the same time, given a growing disenchantment with outcomes so far in relation to poll-time expectations, Mr Jaitley has to make a delicate balancing of growth versus fiscal profligacy.

Government must be seen to be moving some way toward meeting the aspirations of the middle class and the poor. It is equally necessary to make things easier for corporates at home to revive investments. Apart from taxation and fiscal deficit, the other major area is how far Mr Jaitley is able to provide for investments for infrastructure if growth has to take off to 8 per cent or above in the next couple of years.

The Modi Government has been extremely lucky with the fall in international prices and decline in the inflation indices, neither of which it could claim credit for, but its deregulation of diesel pricing and related fuels helped to lower subsidies and move toward targeted fiscal deficit.

True to UPA style, the Modi Government has promptly seized Aadhaar and DBT (Direct Benefits Transfer) as mechanisms ostensibly to better target cash transfers to the poor but this has its own repercussions in terms of delivery missing intended beneficiaries, with large areas yet to be covered under Aadhaar or other types of enumeration.

In all the plans of the Modi Government, DBT or Digital India, there is no allowance for the levels of illiteracy or ignorance to catch up with technology in rural and semi-urban areas for the trumpeted benefits to be derived, especially where cash transfers are concerned.

The whole purpose behind all this is to eliminate subsidies within a few years so that it is easier to demonstrate to the international community India's fiscal prudence. What Mr Jaitley would do with food and fertiliser subsidies - having accomplished most reductions in fuel subsidies barring kerosene - remains to be seen as this again is a delicate area involving farmers and consumers.

The Modi Government has already come under criticism for limiting the quantum and commodities for minimum price support. Designed to scale down operations of FCI, as proposed by a BJP-led Committee, the Government is paving the way for market forces to claim space in procurement, storage and related food processing activities. And other suggestions on cutting coverage under PDS or the Food Security Act are left to the discretion of states, holding up a model of 'co-operative federalism'.

That way, the pre-budget deliberations in Parliament are a grim reminder to the NDA Government and especially to the BJP leadership that comfortable majority is not adequate to steer the course of the economy to the desired direction. Some more expertise is needed to get the results. (IPA Service)