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THIRUVANANTHAPURAM: The most significant – and disturbing – takeout from the result of the Lok Sabha elections from Kerala is the growing saffronisation of Kerala politics. That Kerala’s hitherto bipolar polity has acquired an increasing saffron hue, post poll, is a development that has ominous implications for the State.

Riding a breathtaking national wave, Mr Narendra Modi, rid of a controversial past, will lead a virtually BJP-dominated government of stability at the Centre to embark on his style of governance with a promise of 'good days' ahead for a 'Shining India' in the twenty-first century.

The unprecedented mandate in 2014 general elections for Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) spells people’s clear dictates to the Indian political leaders. They must perform or be removed. In earlier elections, the issue of good governance was mentioned in the campaign but never, it was so emphasized as it was in the just concluded elections. The credit for this must go to the Prime Minister in waiting Narendra Modi and the Indian media.

Twenty years back President, R Venkataraman, had observed that era of a single-party rule was over and coming two decades would be time for coalitions to rule India. And, coalitions did govern but could not give as effective rule as by a single-party government.

BJP’s landslide victory in 2014 elections has come as a surprise to those analysts and poll predictors who failed to understand and appreciate Modi politiks and statecraft and development agenda. The recent polls has shown how elections can be won if dissenting voices at grassroots level are given a patient hearing.

Lok Sabha election is meant to choose a Government for the centre, but in Bihar its result is also going to decide the future of the present Nitish Kumar government. JD(U) has suffered humiliating defeat and his moral authority to rule the government has significantly eroded. His party has succeeded in the last Assembly election in company of BJP and now it has emerged that he was not instrumental in helping BJP candidates win the poll, but BJP had helped his Dal win 115 seats in Bihar. Nitish had left NDA protesting the projection of Modi as its PM candidate alleging that under his leadership NDA will lose the election. Nitish as NDA leader always opposed an election campaign of Modi in Bihar saying that it might weaken the alliance. Now Nitish has failed in all accounts. BJP and its allies won handsomely because of Modi and his JD(U) lost because of his opposition to Modi.

The Modi Miracle has worked convincingly to turn the irresistible national mood for change in BJP’s favour, giving his party and its allies, an overwhelming majority in the 16th Lok Sabha, which could provide a strong and stable government at the Centre.

Foreign investors and their capital, which the soon-to-be-installed Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) need in large number and quantity to lift the country’s sagging business morale, are most likely to call shots in shaping the government’s new economic policy even at the prospect of junking some of the key commitments BJP made in its pre-election economic manifesto. These investors have put in over $ 30 billion in the market in the last four months to create a feel-good atmosphere around BJP’s prime ministerial candidate. It is only natural that they would like him to reciprocate.

The BJP’s success marks a sea-change in Indian politics for more than one reason. For the party itself, it has now acquired a responsibility at the national level which he had never done before, not even in Atal Behari Vajpayee’s time when it was a part of a 25-member coalition. Moreover, it predictably fell apart when a familiar trait of the party’s functioning – its anti-minority outlook – came to the fore during the 2002 Gujarat riots.

The chief minister of Gujarat and Bharatiya Janata Party’s prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi, speaking at a rally in West Bengal on 27th April, made public his resolve to deport Bangladeshis from India. It is an old BJP charge that most political forces in West Bengal have tried to get Muslim votes by nurturing illegal Muslim migrants from Bangladesh, by getting them government documents to regularise their illegal status. The unsubstantiated underside of this charge is that the West Bengali Muslims look favourably at this development and do not mind this increase in the number of their co-religionists. At the alarmist end of this claim is that West Bengal is staring at an inevitable demographic reversal where Bengali Hindus will soon lose their majority, thus losing their only safe haven (though victims of the 1971 Marichjhapi massacre would say otherwise). That modern yearning for a united Hindu vote (just like monolithic Hinduism) remains unfulfilled. The BJP thinks that in West Bengal’s multi-cornered fight, a renewed push at the consolidation of some Hindu votes might reap some dividends.