But there may be a larger message. For quite sometime after the Modi-led BJP came to power in 2014 with a resounding majority, it had seemed that it will prevail. The return of the majority government at the Centre also appeared to signal a dialling back of the need for consensus-building in a diverse and federal polity. But the predicament 20 months later offers instructive lessons on the limits of a larger mandate, and underlines why, sometimes, even 282 seats may not be enough. Any political project must be backed by numbers, of course.

But its success will also depend on hard work and skill of politics. It is not surprising that NDA allies are now talking back to the BJP, demanding that they be consulted more often and complaining that the BJP is not adequately responsive to their sensitivities and concerns. At a recent meeting in the capital, the SAD reportedly pointed out that the NDA government was acquiring an anti-minority image, and that it was not holding up its side of the pact with its partners in Punjab, the Shiv Sena accused the BJP of ignoring its allies on important issues, and the RPI spoke out of Rohith Vemula’s death and the damage done by political handling and its aftermath.

With its allies unhappy at what they see as lack of access and information, BJP has been forced to react by activating an alliance coordination mechanism for NDA. At a time when the BJP needs to shore up its parliamentary floor management ahead of the crucial budget session, the move to make party president Amit Shah the nodal link between regional allies and the central government as well as Prime Minister, makes eminent political sense. It is no secret that BJP allies have been upset for some time now at perceived BJP indifference to their sensitivities and concerns. Their plain speaking at a recent coordination meeting with Shah led to this reset.

With chinks emerging in the BJP armour, and the national mood shifting from the headiness of promise to demands of delivery, BJP is hitting roadblocks in Rajya Sabha where a resurgent opposition has effectively stonewalled its legislative agenda. There is a sense that the political bravado must give way to the politics of negotiation and give-and-take. This is required not just with opposition but also with BJP’s own allies. The two are connected—when allies get restive, that can encourage opposition to be more obstructive. BJP needs its allies to guard its flanks. Resetting NDA’s internal equations, with pragmatism and humility as the new by-word, will pay off.

The BJP will face real challenge in coming elections in five states this year. Except Assam, the party has no stake in other states. If the BJP is able oust the Congress from Assam it will be a gain for the ruling party and give a boost to Narendra Modi-Amit Shah leadership.

In April and May, West Bengal and Kerala go to poll. The BJP has no worthwhile presence in these states but these elections may decide the future of Marxists. Other than tiny Tripura, these are the only two states where the Left has any significant presence. An understanding with the Congress in West Bengal against Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress, which rules Eastern State, could jeopardise its prospects in Kerala, where CPI-M and Congress are main rivals. CPI-M general secretary Sitaram Yechuri’s proposal not to his party join any alliance has created a divide within the party.

“There is lot of speculation over the tactics that the CPI-M will employ in the forthcoming elections to state assemblies”, says Yechuri, adding “our electoral tactics will be in accordance with the political tactical line adopted at our 21st congress. The Politbureau and Central Committee will take a decision at an appropriate time regarding electoral tactics in each of these states”. (IPA Service)