It suggests that Bhagwat presumes a victory for his design of politics is possible. Most politicians on the ruling side do not subscribe to the possibility of victory even though no single party or combination is visible at least present that can match the forces on ruling combine side with or without NaMo casting shadows of his blessing hands. It surprised many to see the current Sangh chief taking a public stand on a political issue that none of his six predecessors displayed at no time in their tenures.

Perhaps the Sangh chief believes that the socio psychological conditions that governed the Indian masses at the time of setting up the Sangh are still prevalent. He seems to overlook that literacy was at less than 10 percent and economic conditions for mass were keeping them at or below poverty lines the overwhelming majority had no escape from the belief that their conditions were god given. Hence there was no escape from faith in unjust social construction based of castes and the vocational prejudices.

In 90 years people have changed to a large extent. Literacy rate is high touching edge of ninety percent. The world has come in their huts and hovels due fast expanding and due to easy accessibility to audio visual media. The modern education has given them confidence in their ability and also concept of the self dignity to be on the self. Many in lower social strata embraced new denomination only to seek social equality. Their continued poverty confirms that they did not embrace other denomination but to seek social equality and due respect for their vocational ability. The large numbers of educated Tamil Dalit young confirmed it with their revelation of their motives and reasons that had made them shift to embrace other religion in 1982.

The era of economic reforms that accelerated transition in social thinking since 1992 saw the quantum jump in number of modern education seekers. Even poor families were seen leaving their young at school gates instead of dragging them to do the child labour to enhance family income. The proportion of school attending children in their age group confirmed different denomination did not make difference in concept of seeking dignity for future life of young. The rapid transformation that begun in the last Congress regime in 1993 was not merely to seek improvements in economic conditions but to improve social dignity as well. But the Congress chief and her dozen blind advisers could not comprehend the significance but the Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi did not miss it. He insisted on changing the campaign theme from religion based issues to economic growth promises. He also took care not to allow the religion based prejudices. He saw the Muslim young attending schools and campaigned for eight years for Muslim girls’ education. May be he did make the Muslims in his state to rethink over his suspected role in the communal carnage in his state in 2002. His priority for toilets to temples indicated a shift in his politics from classes to masses. He insisted for and had his way to subordinate issues for which the party was aggressively campaigning since 1989 but victory kept on eluding it.

The Sangh family seems to have not noticed it but he offered no charity. He specifically stated not to expect any charity in his rule but expect hard work to gain acceleration in economic growth. In other words, he offered social dignity of living and working. Against it, his main rival offered two charity laced programmes. The rural employment programme was operational for more than six years consuming more than Rs.1.5 lakh crore without commensurate results. In those years the party lost power in six states, for the 2014 election agenda her advisers made her add another enticement through cheap food supplies. Both programmes would snatch away human dignity was not realized. And any social study was conducted to evaluate social and psychological impact of the rural employment guarantee scheme.

NaMo surprised everyone alike his supporters and his detractors with a clear mandate and majority for Lotus the election symbol he used. Otherwise he had obliterated the party name, its known galaxy of leaders or its other symbols. His campaign for fifty days was to seek vote for a Modi government. He had a change in theme in posters for a week only. The Sangh leaders silently acquiesced. Perhaps the final outcome surprised them the most, The Sangh body did not protest even to his reducing the stature of his party colleagues. In a sense he wound up the party through two elections. In a sense 2019 was his greater achievement as he won despite every one believing in his defeat.

He had not achievement to his credit and responsible for several hardships. Above all the Sangh had refrained from lending its machinery to mobilize votes for him. The pre-election estimate by a survey for the Sangh had placed his victory in 142 seats. He earned 305 seats not only double in number but 21 more. Whether he consciously planned or unwittingly reaped the outcome is not as much material as is the drastic change it reflects.

A thought of god and supplication of divine power no more sought after. The Congress chief wound up her party as a small family estate with leaking roof and collapsing walls. No other personality or political factor emerged in seven years. But undeniable fact is the Sangh and its ideology also got reduced to irrelevance. Four generations after its start with literacy rate closer to nine times since the Sangh came in existence. Bhagwat needs to recognize that its one trainee for thirty years wrote the summation. Only in that context his anger with NaMo is comprehensible.