The political development relates to BJP’s functioning. The party is witnessing a fresh bout of infighting between the Rajya Sabha MP and the party’s national vice-president Shanta Kumar and Chief Minister Prem Kumar Dhumal’s factions.

There are reports that some senior BJP leaders accompanied by three party legislators and a former Speaker met the party’s central leadership and complained not just against the state BJP chief Khimi Ram, but also against the “centralization of powers” by Chief Minister Prem Kumar Dhumal and his style of functioning. They wanted removal of Khimi Ram, a Dhumal loyalist and appointment of Khushi Ram Balnahata, a diehard Shanta loyalist, as the state party chief.

To counter their move, Khimi Ram along with his supporters also rushed to Delhi to meet the party’s central leaders to “expose” the rival faction. It is too early to predict the outcome of the revived factional tussle. But if the recent history of the state BJP is any indicator, Dhumal’s clout in Delhi is expected to give him an upper hand vis-à-vis his adversaries in the tussle which will intensify when the process of allotting the party ticket for the Assembly elections begins.

Watchers of Himachal politics are going to see intra-party fireworks in the ruling party during the run-up to Assembly poll.

The most important development on the governance front is the unanimous passage of the Himachal Pradesh Special Courts (Attachment and Confiscation of Property) Bill by the state Assembly during its last week’s session. The welcome measure makes Himachal the third state – the other two being Bihar and Madhya Pradesh — in the country to enact such a law which stipulates confiscation of property amassed by public servants, including official and politicians holding public office, through corrupt practices.

Two clauses of the Bill lend extraordinary significance to the measure. One, once an FIR is registered the property will be attached by the court prohibiting its disposal in any manner. If the charges are proved, the government can then confiscate the property. Two, the new law stipulates the Special Courts to be headed by a District and Session Judge or an additional District and Session Judge, to ensure that every case is disposed of within a year.

Apparently the new law does not empower the authorities to take action against prosecution witnesses who turn hostile during the hearing of disproportionate asset cases. Recent instances, especially in Punjab, show that prosecution witnesses in cases against influential politicians are often made to turn hostile resulting in exoneration of the accused. The new measure to attach and confiscate the property would lose its sting if stringent provisions are not made in the existing laws to ensure that prosecution witnesses do not turn hostile.

Corruption, like prostitution, is the world’s second oldest profession. The scams of the UPA-II government and also of many leaders of the regional political parties have made corruption issue the flavour of the contemporary Indian politics. It was the popular anger against corruption which prompted the people to massively back Anna Hazare’s fast for Jan Lokpal and Baba Ram Dev’s anti-corruption campaign. It is another matter that Ramdev’s misuse of India’s ancient Yoga science for promoting his business interests later caused a setback to his campaign. The latest to join the anti-corruption caravan is the BJP leader L.K. Advani who has announced to undertake a rath yatra against corruption.

An unfortunate aspect of the anti-corruption drives is that except Anna Hazare’s campaign, other campaigns including that of Ram Dev’s had political motives. Ram Dev had, at one stage, even announced his decision to float a political party. But apparently the adverse reaction that his decision created on the popular mind and also under pressure from the Hindutva brigade, he backtracked from his decision.

Advani’s proposed Rath Yatra which he decided to undertake after prior consultation with the party president Nitin Gadkari also seems to have been motivated by two factors. First, the BJP leadership perhaps realized that the unprecedented response of the middle class, its main support base, to Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption drive had dented the party’s main support base. Hence, it was imperative to win back the middle class through an anti-corruption campaign.

Whether Advani’s endeavour would yield the desired political dividends is a big question. Like UPA-II’s scams, the BJP’s own image has been sullied by the recent corruption cases against some of its leaders like B.S. Yeddyurappa. The latest example is the forced exit of the Uttarakhand Chief Minister Ramesh Pokhriyal Nisahank. Besides, some of the party’s Chief Ministers including Himachal Pradesh and Jharkhand also face allegations of corruption.

The second factor is Advani’s calculation that the failures of the UPA-II government might lead to Lok Sabha’s mid-term poll. By launching his Rath Yatra, the BJP could capitalise the people’s raging anger against corruption which could, in the event of a mid-term poll, help improve the party’s electoral prospects. After all, it was his Ayodhya Rath Yatra which had helped the BJP to form its life’s first government at the Centre.

Politics, especially electoral, is a high-stakes gamble. A seasoned politician like Advani must have taken into account the unforeseen political factors which usually play a big role in fulfilling the ambition of politicians to ride to power. Advani also must have been reminded of the fact that politicians ascendancy to power is charted by struggles and uncertainties. (IPA Service)